i
96
Theresa Huntsman DE GRUYTERKaimio, l, 1975. "The Ousting of Etruscan by Latin in Etruria." ln Studies in the Romanization of Etruria,edited by P. Bruun, P. Hohti, l. Kaimio, E. Michelsen, M. Nielsen, and E. Ruoff-Vàà-nànen, 85-245. Rome: Bardi Editore.
Kuniholm, P.l.200S,AGuidetotheClassicol Collectionsof CornellUniversity,lthaca, NY: Herbert
F. lohnson Museum ofArt.
Levi, D. 1935. ll Museo Civico di Chiusi. Rome: Libreria dello Stato.
Luce, S.B. 7927, The University Museum: Catologue of the Mediterronean Secfion. Philadelphia:
The UniversÌty Museum,
Maggiani, A., ed.7985, Artigianato ortistico: L'Etruria settentrionole interna in età ellenistica. Regione Toscana: Electa,
Mazzetti, R. 1861. "Scavi Chiusini." Bullettino dell'lnstituto di Corrispondenza ArcheologicaT0:
209-270.
Pack, E. 1988. "Clusium: ritratto di una città romana attraverso I'epigrafia." ln I romani di Chiusi: Rivisitazione aXraverso testimonianze epigraftche, topogroftche, orcheologiche, edited by G. Paolucci, 11-104. Rome: Multigrafica Editrice.
Pauli, C,E., and O. A. Danietsson. 7893-, Corpus lnscriptionum Etruscorum, Leipzig: l. A. Barth. Rix, H. 1963. Das etruskische Cognomen; Untersuchungen zu System, Morphologie und
Ver-wendung der Personennomen ouf den jùngeren lnschriften Nordetruriens. Wiesbaden:
0. Harrassowitz,
Rix, H. 1991, Etruskìsche Texte: editio minor. TUbingen: G. Nar.
Sannibale, M,7994. Le urne cinerorie di età ellenistico.
Rome:
di Bretschneider. Sclafani, M. 2010. Urne fiXili chiusine e perugine di età medio e tordo ellenistico. Rome: GiorgioBretschneider Editore.
Smalt, J. P. 7987. Studies Related to the Thebon Cycle on Late Etruscan Urns. Rome: G. Bret-schneider,
Thimme, J. 1954. "Chiusinische Aschenkisten und Sarkophage der hellenistischen Zeit. Ein Beitrag zur Ch ron ologie d er etruski sch en Kunst 1," StEfr 2 3,2t 25-747.
Thimme, J. 1957. "Chiusinische Aschenkisten und Sarkophage der he[[enistischen Zeit. Ein Beitrag zur Chronologie der etruskischen Kunst2," StEtr 25: 87-160.
Turfa, J.M. 2005, Catologue ofthe Etruscan Gallery ofthe University of Pennsylvania Museum of
Archaeology and Anthropology. Philadetphia: Universi§ of Pennsylvania Museum
ofAr-chaeology and Anthropology,
DE GRUYTER Etruscan Studies 2015; 18(2)z 97 -725
Chiara Pito* and Marco Giuman
Greek
Myth on
Etruscan
Urns
from Perusia:
the sacrifice
of lphigenia
DOI 10.1515/etst-2015-0016
Abstract: The
production of
cremation urns of Perusiais
one of the mostirnpor-tant of North Etruria, and many of them were decorated
with
scenes ofmyth.
Themeaning of a myth is
strictly
related to its social andcultural
context. Indeed, thereception of an iconographical theme depends on the specific
cultural
setting andeach society perceives
and
re-elaborates the same imagein
different
ways. Thispaper examines
the
useof
the
myth of
the
sacrificeof
lphigenia
for
the
localEtruscan context of the second and
first
century B.C.E. The representation ofthat
myth
enjoyedin
Perusiaa
successthat
is
much
greaterthan in
Greek context,revealing the creative approach of the Perusian sculptors and the culture of
their
patrons.
Keywords:
sacrificeoflphigenia,
Etruscanums, Perusia, Greekmyths, iconographyThe use and re-elaboration of Classical mythological themes on the cinerary
ums
found in
the cemeteries of the Etruscancity
of Perusiaprovide
animportant tool
for
investigating the
local
community
in
the period
following its political
sub-mission to Rome. We decided to focus our research
in particular
on the imagesof
the sacrifice of
Iphigenia.l
Derivedfrom
Greekliterature, but
alsowell known
in
Latin literature,
this subject is quite rarein
Greek iconography. Thepopularity
of
this
themein
thefunerary
contextsof
Perusia,which
hasno
comparisonin
therest
of
the
Italian
peninsula, provides
an
interesting opportunity
to
study
themechanisms
of
selectionand reworking of
myths and images as amirror of
thevivacity ofthe
local society.The ancient
city of
Perusia,now
Perugia (fìg. 1),lies on
ahill in
a strategicposition
overlookingthe
Tiber, anatural
meansof
communication between the1 Bonfante 1984; Brunn 1965,40-52,106-12; Dareggi1972,34-5; Heurgon 1984;Paitatlt1972;
Krauskopf1990.
tConespondlng author: Chiara Pito, MiBACT
-
Soprintendenza Archeologia deIta Sardegna, piazza lndipendenza 7, Cagliari 09724,llaly, E-Mail: chiara.pilo@beniculturali.itMarco Gluman, Università degti StudidiCagtiari
-
Dipartimento di Storia, BeniCulturali e Tenitorio, piazza lndipendenza7,09724 Cagliari, ltaly, E-Mail: mgiuman@unica.itl-98
Chiara Pito and Marco Giuman DE GRUYTERFig. 1: Map of Etruria (authors).
Tyrhenian
coast and the trans-Apennine areaaswell
as a physical borderbetweenEtruscans and umbrians.'zApart from some impasto potsherds from the area of the
cathedral3
and a
knife of
the celano type dating
to
the Final
Bronze Age,4 theFor the history ofthe ancient city, see Bratti 2007, 25-36 vrith bibtiography. Cenciaioli 2012,
Bianco Peroni 197 6, no. 248.
DE GRUYTER GreekMythonEtruscanUrnsfromPerusia:thesacrificeoflphigenia
-
99earliest evidence of permanent settlement dates back to the proto-Villanovan and
villanovan
periods.s Five chamber tombs of the necropolis of palazzone at pontesan Giovanni,6 near the Tiber, and two
rich
groups of bronzes from the environs,found at castel san MarianoT and san Valentino,8 document the existence
in
thesixth century B.c.E. of non-urban society
ledby
pincipe-s: the formation processof
the city seems to have begun only at the end of the same century. According to the
tradition,
Perusia was one of the twelve cities of the Etruscan League.eThe
Romanconquest
consistedof a
sequenceof
military
offensives anddiplomatic
agreements.At
the
end
of
the fourth
century B.c.E., perusia
wasprobably one of the Etruscan cities of the
hinterland
thatfought
against Rome.In
310 B.c.E.
the
consule.
FabiusMaximus Rullianus won two
victories over theEtruscans' one
of
them near perusia, thereafter arranging a trucewith
perusia,Arretium and cortona.l. After the
Romanvictory
at
sentinum
in
295 B.c.E.,Perusia
and
volsinii
wereinvolved
in
new conflicts, followed by
the establish_mentof.foedera,
During the second punic
war
perusia
remainedloyal to
Rome,providing
supplies
and
troopsto
the
Romanarmy.
Thecarthaginians
passedthrough its
territory,
which
they ravaged and plundered.lrrhe
city
took partin
thecivil
war
that began 91 B.c.E.
In
90 B.c.E. as a result of the LexIulia
it
became amunicipi-um,
and
its
inhabitants were
registeredin
the
Tromentina
tribe. Like
otherEtruscan cities, Perusia was involved in the war between Marius and
sulla, taking
the side of the Marian forces. In 41 B.c.E. Lucius Antonius and Fulvia, supporters
of
MarcusAntonius,
occupiedthe city, which
wasthen
conqueredby octavian
after a siege. The
city
was seriously damaged. Manyinhabitants
were executedand their lands were given to veterans of the victorious army.r2
The Roman conquest
of Etruria
in
the
third
century
B.c.E.brought about
aperiod of
flourishing
economy for perusia. The improvement of the roadnetwork
made of Perusia a crucial crossroads
in
the trans-Apennineregion.li
Evidencefor
the rising fortunes of the city is a monumental
building
program, which hadlikely
5 Bratti 2007, 26-7, with bibliography.
6
Cenciaioli 2002, 54-7; Berichillo 2004, 184-87; Ferugli o 2Ot7,233.7 Hòckmann 1982; Bruni 2002; Bruschetti and Trombetta 2013.
8
Berichillo 2004, 189-90.9
Strabo5.2.2. SeeTorelli 1983.to
LiW9.41.5-7.lt
LiW 23.17.11; 28.45.18.12 onthebellumperusinumseeHarrislgTl,2gg-318;sisani20llwithbibliography.
13 The ancient relation with the trans-Appenine region is reflected in the foundation legends of
Perusia and Felsina/Borogna or Mantua/Mantova. on this topic see Briquel 20 02,12-20. 2
3
100
Chiara Pilo and Marco Giuman DE GRUYTERbegan already
in
thefourth
century B.c.E., when perusia was surroundedwith
acircuit
of walls,la completedin
the following
centurywith
the reconstructionin
new and monumental
form
of themain
gates of thecity,
the"Arco
Etrusco,, andthe "Porta Marzia," as part of the improved via Amerina.l5
The cemeteries of this period are located along the via Amerina and the other
main
roadsleading
from the city
gates(fig.
2).'6other burial
grounds
in
theterritory
betweenthe
cis
and
the
Tiber
seemto
belong
to
autonomous
ruralsettlements
(a sort of
pagt). The most relevant
of
them
is
the
necropolis
of
Palazzone,lT about 7 km southeast of the city,
which
includes about two hundredtombs, among them the famous hypogeum of the
Velimna-Volumnii
family.'8 Thisnecropolis was
probably
usedby
the inhabitants
of a
settlementalong
the viaAmerina that controlled a ford of the Tiber.
14 Sisani 2006, 9-15; Bratti 2007, 37 -52.
15 Sisani2006,14-15.
16 Nati 2008; Nardelli 2010. on the road towards perusia see also: Matteini chiari 2011
17 Feruglio 2011: 231-34 with bibliography.
18 Cenciaioli2011.
DE GRUYTER Greek Myth on Etruscan Urns from perusia: the
sacrifice of rphigenia
_
1g1Between the
third
and thefirst
century B.c.E. cremation was the standardfunera_
ry practice of Etruscan perugia.
The ashes were collected
in
a pot (an o,.a) or in anurn'
which was buriedin
apit
or, more often, placed inside chamber tombsin
usefor several generations.r e
The urns are made of local travertine,
with
a cubicor paralrelepiped box and
a
lid
that could be shaped as agabled
roof, apelta,or
a sculpture ofthe deceased
reclining on
a couch. Mostof them
feature aninscription
with
the nameof
thedeceased. Many
urns
areplain
or
with
basic decoration,but
thehigher
quarityproducts
are decoratedwith
figurar
scenes
from
Greekmythology
or
historicarevents, such as the victories
of the
Greeks over the Gaursand
of
Alexander theGreat over
the
persians. Thefigural
scenes areusually on the
front of
the box,carved in bas-reliefor, less frequently, high relief.
Among the mythorogical subjects on the ums
in
the Nationar Archaeorogical
Museum of perugia (figs.
3-4),
the tragic episodes of premature and
unfair
death,
such
asthe ambush
of
Troilus and the
sacrificeof
Iphigenia, are particularly
successfur between the
third
andfirst
century B.C.E.while
the ambush ofrroilus
has
a long iconographic
tradition in
Greece,the
sacrifìce
of Iphigenia
is
rarelyrepresented
in
Greekarj.
Th:
popurarity
enjoyed
by that
themeon
the perusianurns is quite exceptional,
with
thirty_threeidentified
examples.Fig. 3: lconographical subjects on the
urns of the Archaeological Museum of perugia (authors).
ilLr*i
rSr2; Maggiani 198 5,35-6;Sannibale 1984, 158-59.l I I I u rl
!
I
Santa Cat*rlnaVecchia Moflteluc§ 1Fig. 2: Distribution of main cemeteries of Etruscan perugia atong the main roads (authors).
scenes connccted !./jth
702
Chiara Pito and Marco Giumanèm è: on omè ch . 1"1a.s,, òs bound I ) |
\1 n95 and the n'ani ^,'t nctau.
ir',cLrs'cun 5hren: Ore5ite5 pursqed b,,.th€ Er',,n e!
-eephustresto k dnapthe n'ant Oresies
Fig. 4: MythicaI themes on the urns of the ArchaeologicaI Museum of perugia (authors).
The iconographic construction of the scene of the sacrifice of
Iphigenia
presentsmany variants,
although
there
are
somerecurring elements. The number
of
figures ranges from a
minimum
offive
(figs. 5-6)ro to amaximum
of thirteen.rl Amore complex and unusual construction in
which
some figures are placed on theshort sides
of
thebox is found on the
urn
ofAule
Ruchuin
the
ArchaeologicalMuseum of Perugia (figs.
7-8),,,
on an urn inVilla
Giulia Museum2r and on athird
partially
preserved urn.2arhree
figures
areusually
found
in
the
centerof
thescene,
in
emphatic
position:25a
beardedwarrior
wearing
a
pileusholding
amaiden on the altar and, on the opposite side, a man
with apateraand
sometimesa sword. Another character who is usually represented is a female figure in a short
chiton holding
a deer. Herposition
isnot fixed, but
she isusually found
on theleft side of the central group.
20 Catalogue nos. 1-11.
21 Catalogue nos. 10-11.
22 Catalogueno.32.
23 Catalogueno.33.
24 Catalogue no. 24.
25 Only few urns show two men carrying the maiden to the altar: Catalogue no s.24,30,32.
-DE GRUYTERGreekMythonEtruscanUrnsfromperusia:thesacrificeof
rphigenia
_
ro3Fig' 5: Perugia, ArchaeotogicatMuseum, inv. com. 236,
catarogue no. 7 (Giuman, with
permission of Mibact
-
Soprintendenza Archeotogia delt,Umbria).The simplest construction consists of five figures arranged side by side.r6
with
theexception
of
anurn
onwhich the
centrar groupis
framedby two warriors with
DE GRUYTER g ganicrìècht iecogn i on Ca Pa. 5 Odl s* tr s a nd Fe ne cÉe c€ n1: alr.cmè c h,, dealh cr rlenonaus aè ì dcn an hLrht rn òcine ss oi Aiha mès Od,,srosand 5c, a
Se,.en aga nl -hebes
-'c us s ambrsh ph gen è's scr'ce
t
3
I
IE
tn
t
T
5
m
m
Mmt
@qW§
mmx$
mffid
§rcE
EE§rysf
:6L-
t
26 Cataloguenos.l 10.-704
Chiara Pito and Marco Giuman DE GRUYTERFig. 6: Perugia, Archaeological Museum, inv. com. 46, catalogue no. 2 (Giuman, with permission of Mibact
-
Soprintendenza Archeologia dett'Umbria).spears
(fig.
9),"
the imageusually
consists of, fromleft
toright,
the female figurewith a
deer,the central group and,
on
the
right,
awoman
with
her
left
handraised, wearing a short chiton
with
adistinctive fold
across her chest. This basiccomposition can be expanded
with
theaddition
of other characters: two kneeling27 Catalogueno.ll.
DE GRUYTERGreekMythonEtruscanUrnsfromPerusia:thesacrificeof lphigenia
-
105
Fig. 7: perugia, Archaeotogicat Museum, inv. com. 49, catatogue no. 31 (Giuman, with
permission of Mibact
-
Soprintendenza Archeologica dell'Umbria)'or
laying
figures, awanior
onthe
Ieft and a woman on theright
in
a postureof
beseeching
(fig.
10),r" or sometimestwo
men.D Some urns also feature anuppel
row of figures
including
musicians, figures carrying offerings(fig.
11)' andsome-times a
mourning
womanin
afrontal position
tearing at herhair (fig.
12).ro Themore complex scenes combine most or all of these components (fig. 13)."
There are
no
inscriptions declaring
the
namesof the
characters,but
thecomparison
with
the literarytladition
of the sacrifice of Iphigenia leaves no doubtabout the
identification
of the sublect.s'z28 Catalo gue n os. 13 -16, 20 -22, 24' 28 -29' 32-33.
29 Cataloguenos. 17, 31.
30 Catalo gue nos. 18-20, 22-f3.
31 Catalogue nos.24-33.
32 For a summary of literary citations and iconographic evidences on the sacrifice of Iphigenia see also Gantz 1993, 582 88.
106
Chiara Pilo and Marco Giuman DE GRUYTERFig. 8: Perugia, Archaeological Museum, inv. com. 49, Catatogue no. 32. Left side (Giuman,
with permission of Mibact
-
Soprintendenza Archeologia dett'Umbria).The sacrifice of Iphigenia is not mentioned by Homer, who knows of a daughter
of
Agamemnon named Iphianassa,sr
but it
was included
in
the Cypria, alost
epicpoem of perhaps the late seventh century B.C.E. attributed to Stasinos of Cyprus.r4
A summary in prose by Proclus reports the story:35
Agamemnon, out hunting, shot a deer and asserted that he had outdone even Artemis. The
goddess was angered and sent storms to prevent them ftom sailing. And when Kalchas declared the anger of the goddess and said that lphigenia should be sacificed to Artemis, they sent for
her on the pretext that she was to be maried to Achilles and attempted to sacifice her.16 But Artemis snatched her away and took her to the Tauroi, making her immortal; and she set a deer at the altarinplace ofthe girl.
33 Hom. 11.9. 145. See also Ambrosetti 1961,93.
34 Dowden 1989,10.
35 Procl., Chr.735-743 (translation by K. Dowden in Dowden 1989, 1O). See also Séchan 1931,
380-82.
36 On the role of Achiìles in the saga of Iphigenia see Roussel 1915.
DE GRUYTERGreekMythonEtruscanUrnsfromPerusia:thesacrificeof lphigenia
-
7OlFig. 9: Perugia, Archaeological Museum, inv. com. 281, Catalogue no. 11 (Giuman, with permission of Mibact
-
Soprintendenza Archeologia dett'Umbria).In
the summary of the Cypria all themain
elements of themyth
are present: theplace (the Beotian beach
of
Aulis)r7, the aetion (the hybns of Agamemnon), theprophesy of Chalcas, the fake
wedding,
the sacrifice and thesubstitution. In
the108
Chiara pilo and Marco Giuman DE GRUYTERFig. 10: Perugia, ArchaeologicalMuseum, inv. com. 330, catalogue no. 13, (Giuman,
with
permission of Mibact
-
Soprintendenza Archeologia dett,Umbria).Cypria,
the
myth
endswith
lphigenia being
granted immortality.rs Thereis
noreference
to
Iphigenia's being swept
off
to
Tauris,
to her
recognition
by
thebrother orestes and to her return to her homeland.
on
the contrary, the grantof
immortality by
Artemis appearsto
be theconclusion of
the story.re However,it
38 A different version of the myth is proposed by the Ehoeae of Hesiod. Here the daughter of Agamemnon, named Iphimedeia, is sacrificed by all the Acheans. see also solmsen 198r; Lùbeck 1993,12-14.
39 On the relationships behveen Artemis and Iphigenia see Lloyd_lones 19g3.
DE GRUYTER Greek Myth on Etruscan Urns from Perusia: the sacrifice of lphigenia
-
109Fig. 11: Perugia, Archaeological Museum, inv. com. 329, Catalogue no. 25 (Giuman, with 26 permission of Mibact
-
Soprintendenza Archeologica de11'Umbria).seems
likely
that
the Taurian episode was alreadyknown
in
thefirst half
of
thesixth century
B.C.E., when Stesichoruswrote
thelost
play Oresteia.4o Thetrage-dians
of
the
fifth
century
B.C.E.further
developed
the plot.
In
addition
to110
Chiara pilo and Marco Giuman DE GRUYTERDE GRUYTER Greek Myth on Etruscan Urns from Perusia: the sacrifice of lphigenia
-
111
Agamemnon, Aeschylus wrote an Iphigenia of
which only
a few fragmentssurvi-ve.41 AIso preserved
only in
fragmentsis
the lphigenia of Sophocles.a2 Aeschylus'Agamemnon
contains the
earliest concisedescription of the
sacrificeof
Iphige-nia.43
Her pleas, her cies of "father!"
and her maiden years , were set at naught by the warloing chieftains.
After a prayer, her father told his attendants to lift her right up over the altar
with all their strength, like a yearling goat, face down, so that her robes fell around her,
and by putting a guard
on her fair face and lips to restrain speech that might lay a curse on his house.
Clearly,
in
theversion by
Aeschylusthe maiden is
sacrificed against her will,aalifted up
over
the altar "like a yearling goat" by
men
eagerfor war.
In
theEuripidean play Iphigenia
at
Aulis,on the
other
hand,
the
maiden-like
Poly-xena4s-offers herself as a victim
willingly
to bring glory to Greece:a6 taking off thenuptial
dress, she offers her neck. A new elementin
the Athenian tragedy is therole
played
by
complementary characters,in
particular by
Odysseus,who
isinvolved in
the conspiracy and goes to Argos to persuade Agamemnon,Clytaem-nestra and Menelaus.
In
the Greekworld,
themythical
sacrifice of avirgin
and theprenuptial
ritesare
strictly
connected.4TIn
relation
to
Iphigenia,
this link
betweendeath
andwedding is
clearin
theAttic religious
tradition.48 The"tomb of lphigenia"
wasIocated
in
the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron, the main venue for theprenuptial
rites of the Athenian girls.ae
In
theAttic
sanctuary Iphigenia was the kleidouchos(the key-holder)
and to
herwidowers offered
thepeploi left unfinished
in
their
41 Lùbeck1993,17.
42 Lùbeck1993,2O-1.
43 Aesch. Ag. 228-237 (translation by A.H. Sommerstein).
44 Masaracchia 7983, 46.
45 E]u.I.Hec.345-373.
46 Hulton 1962. On the unsolicitous sacrifice of Iphigenia see also Roussel 1922.
47 Loruux1987,23. In general, see Hughes 1991.
48 Lùbeck1993,68-69:'Giuman1999,762-T2.Onthegeneralrelationshipsbetrveenweddingand funeral, especiaily in a symbolic perspective, see Redfield 1982, 188-90. On the abduction theme in vase paintings representing the Athenian wedding ceremony see lenkins 1983 (in particular for
Iphigenia 140).
49 Giuman1999,165-70. Fig- 12: Perugia, ArchaeologicalMuseum, inv. com. 34g, Catalogue
no. 22 (Giuman, with permission of Mibact
772
Chiara Pilo and Marco Giuman DE GRUYTERhomes by young women who had died
giving
birth,5o as we know from a passage of the Euripid ean Iphigenia among the Taurtans:slAnd you, Iphigenia, in the holy meadows of Brauron must serve this goildess as her temple warder . When you die , you will lie buied here , and they will dedicate for your delight the finely woven gaments which women who die in childbirth leave behind in their house.
The
prenuptial
status of lphigenia ishighlighted in
themyth;
in Agamemnonand
in
Iphigenia amongthe
TaurtansIphigenia is
sacrificedin
her wedding dressaf-ter the celebration
of
the proteleia, thepreliminary rites
of the weddingceremo-ny.52
In
this way,
as verse 461of lphigenia
at
Aulis specifies, Hadeswill
be thebridegroom
of
Iphigenia,5s a themethat
has along literary tradition
beyond thespecific
myth; for
example, an epigramof
Meleagerin
the Anfhologia Palatinasaaddresses the
young
Clearista,who
diedshortly
before her wedding, as "Hades' spouse"No hwband but Death did Cleaista receive on her brtdal night as she loosed her maiden zone. But now at eve the flutes were making music at the door of the bide, the portals of her chamber echoed to knocking hands, And at mom the death wail was loud, the bidal song was hushed
and changed to a voice of wailing, The same torches that flamed round her maniage bed lighteilher ileail onher downwardway to Hades.
It is
clear that
in
Greekliterary
tradition
the figure
of
Iphigenia
represents theparthenos
who, like
Clearista, died before her wedding,without
ever becoming agyne
andthen
a mother. Her social andbiological
comingof
age wassuddenly
interrupted,
and so the condition of the young daughter of Agamemnon,like that
of the girl who died
shortly
beforeher
wedding, remains undetermined
andambiguous.s5 As Davide Susanetti
aptly wrote, "Ifigenia
patiscela
condizionedi
50 This offering, precisely because of its ritual peculiarity, cannot be considered Euripides'
invention. On the contrary, it must have been a well-established tradition that was explained by
the aetiologial story ofthe tragedian (Brelich 1969,243).
5L Eut. IT 7462-1467 (tanslation by D. Kovacs).
52
Aesch.Ag,227;Etu.IA432-434,lnlphigeniaatAulisthethemeofthesacrificeoftheyounggirlasaproteleiarite is confirmed bythe dialoguebetweenAgamemnon and Clytaemnestra (718-719):
clyt. ,,Have you made the early offering (protelaia) to the goddess?" Agamn. "I shall. That is the business I'm upon." See also Foley 1982, 161; Seaford 1987, 109; Rehm 1994, 43; Dillon 2002' 218'
53 Eur.IA46l.SimilarlyinEur.IA54Oandl2T8,respectivelyenunciatedbyAgamemnonandby
Clytaemnestra. Even Iphigenia claims (Eur. IT 369-377): "the husband you promised me in the
chariot as you fenied me deceitfully to my blood-stained marriage was Hades, not the son of
Peleus." See also Bonnechere 1994,268-69.
54
Ant. PaL7.182 (translationbyW.R. Paton).55 Rose 1925.
DE GRUYTER GreekMythonEtruscanurnsfromPerusia:thesacrificeof lphigenia
-
113
ogni
figura
e
di
ogni simulacro
che è eal
contrario
non
è,
in un
orizzontedi
sospensione dove morte e
vita,
demoni euomini
si confondonoin un'ambiguità
contagiosa."56
Despite
the popularity
in
Greekliterature of the mythical
episodeof
thesacrifice
of
Iphigenia,
its
iconographical representationis
extremelyrare'
Thissharp difference between the
literary fortune
of amythical
theme andits figural
representation is not exceptional: another
typical
example is the myth of Phaidraand
Hyppolitus. In the
ancientworld
there aremany
factorsthat
determine theiconographical success
of
amyth or
a character, such as the changingpolitical
and/or social conditions
in
the
placeswhere the
images were produced,their
perception
by their
users, especiallyif
they are foreigners,their diffusion by
theway of commerce, the possible change of the semantic meanings of the subiects.
Nevertheless
it
is clear thatin
the case ofIphigenia
the disparity betweenliterary
fortune
andiconographical
success isparticularly
strong. Weknow
of veryfew
monuments
of
Greekart
with
the
imageof
Agamemnon's daughter. Theinter-pretation
of the
scene representedon a
fragmentary proto-Attic krater
as thesacrifice
of Iphigenia is only
hypothetical.sTInscriptions
make theidentification
sure
in
the
casesof
an Attic red-figured
oinochoeof
the
Shuvalov painter
(ca. 430 B.C.E.)5s and a white-groundlel<ytho.s by Douris (ca.47O B.C.E.).s'q In
both
cases,
the
images agreewith
theliterary version of
Euripides, as the maiden isapparently
led
to avoluntary
sacrifice.6o The sametradition
Seemsto
appeal onApulian pottery.61
It
is
likely that the myth
of
Iphigenia
reachedcenftal Italy from
MagnaGraecia and
Sicily,
asin
other cases ofmyths
treatedin
Greek drama'62 Enniuswrote a
play
onthis
subject. The few verses preserved do not allow for anunder-standing as to
what
versionof
the story wasfollowed by
theLatin author,
eventhough many scholars suggest that he
followed
Euripides.63 However, Aeschylus'56 Susanetti2007,187.
57 Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 6.67 (Kahil 1990, 709, no. 2). 58 Kiel, Univ. B 538 (Kahil 1990,709' no. 1).
5g Palermo, Museo Archeologico Regionale NI 1886 (Kahil 1990, 709, no.3). The Douris vase
comes ftom Selinous.
60 A maiden labelled as lphigeneia appears also on a pixys by a follower of Douris (London'
British Museum 8773), in a gynaeceum scene together with other women all named as Argive characters. This is not properly a representation of a myth related to Iphigenia, but a transposition of an everyday life scene to a mythological level. See Reeder 1995, 97 -8, figs' 9-12; Lissarrague 2003, 156-58, fig. 18a-b.
61 See, e.g., the Apulian red-figured amphora once in the Buckingham collection (Kahil 1990,
715, no. 20).
774
Chiara pilo and Marco Giuman DE GRUYTERversion
of
the cruel
sacrifice also circulated
in
central Italy, as
attested
byLucretius' poem.u'' The urns of perusia crearry
foilow
the
tradition
that the maidenwas sacrificed against her
will:
the figure of Iphigenia held up over the altarwith
raised
arms
is
in
an
obvious attitude
of
despair.
It
appearsthat
the
Etruscanworkshops represented a version of the episode
for which
there wasvirtually
noprototype in Greek figurative repertoires.
The theme
of
the sacrifice against Iphigenia,swill
is also attestedin
Romanart
in
the
Houseof
the Tragic poet
of
pompeii6s-possibrya
copy
of a
fourth-century B.c.E.
painting
by Timanthes-where
the maiden is raising her hands asshe is carried to her death.66
The comparison between the images on the
perusinian urns
and the extant
literary sources makes it easy to identify most of the figures:
odysseus is the
warrior
carrying Iphigenia, as confirmed by the pileus, the usual hat of the hero, also found
in
other Etruscan representations;67 Agamemnon is theman
with
sacrificial tools;Artemis is the female figure
with
the deer, whichwill
replace the human victim. Thetwo
kneeling figures areprobably
Achilles and clytaemnestra.In
particurar,the heroic
nudity
of the man on the left on the urn of Aure Ruchu,in
the same position
of the suppliant kneeling man, seems to support the identification.6s
Together
with
the characters of the Greekmyth,
the urnsinclude
figures and elements from the Etruscantradition.
The womanwith
raised hand, often locatedon the
right
sideof
the scene,is slightly
reminiscentof
the image ofvanth,
theEtruscan demon of death.6e
Although
her typicar attributes, such as the wings andthe torch, are
usually
missing, thehigh
boots and the shortchiton
with
thefold
across the breast
might
recall the images of the Etruscan demon. In three cases thefemale figure also holds a torch,To used by
vanth
to makelight
during the journeyof
the deceasedto
the Underworld.
In
the most complex scenes, the charactersfrom the myth
are associatedwith
figuresperforming
arituar:
peopre carryingofferings, musiciansTl and mourners. on two urns, a man
seems to be reading from
63 warmington 1961. 299: "That Ennius followed Euripides, Iphigenia at Aulis is certain; but instead of a chorus of maidens, Ennius most fittingly makes his chorus of warriors. This like certain other divergences may have been based on a Sophoclean version.,, See also Vahlen 1967,
155-56.
64 Lucr.84-100.
65 Naples, MN9112. Charbonneauxet at.1978, 329 3O;Tomei2010.81_2.
66 Cic.Brut.18.70.
67 Compare e.g. Cateni and Fiaschi 1984, fig. 50.
68 Catalogue no. 32.
69 On the iconography of Vanth see Spinola 19g7.
70 Cataloguenos. 10, 32-33.
71 FormusiciansinEtruscanfunerarycontextseee.g.cateniandFiaschilgg4,fig.30.
DE GRUYTER GreekMythonEtruscanUrnsfromPerusia:thesacrificeof lphigenia
-
115Fig. 13: Perugia, ArchaeologicalMuseum, inv. com. 279, Catalogue no. 2g (Giuman, with permission of Mibact
-
Soprintendenza Archeotogia dett,Umbria).176
Chiara pilo and Marco Giuman DE GRUYTERa scroll
(fis.
t3) andin
three examples, a womanin frontal
position pulls herhair
in
a gesture ofmourning (fis.
12). The snake at thefoot
of the altar has no rolein
the Greek
myth.
Thechthonian
animalpar
excellence generically may stress thefunerary nature
of
the
scene,but
it
may
also have eschatologicaland
oracularimplications,
as
demonstratedby the myth
of
the
death
and
resurrection
of
Glaukos.T2 Those
connotations
could be a point
of
contact
with the
Etruscansymbolic
world,
where the snake could represent the oracul ar prodigium.T3r
men
r
married
women
r
women (marital
status unknown)
DE GRUYTER GreekMythonEtruscanUrnsfromPerusia:thesacrificeof lphigenia
-
777
maiden,
but
generally
on
death and
salvation:7aat the
moment
of
her
death,Iphigenia is replaced
with
a deer by Artemis and becomesimmortal.
The
number
of
Perusinianurns featuring the
sacrificeof
Iphigenia
has nocomparison
in
Etrusco-Italic context. There areonly
afew
other representationsof this subject, on four urns from VolterraT5 and on one from Chiusi.76 In
compari-son
to
the Perusinian urns, they present adifferent
composition and adifferent
placement of the characters.
The creation and
modification
of the iconographyof
the sacrificeof
lphige-nia
in
Perusia shows thevitality
of the local workshops,which,
at the end of thethird
century
B.C.E.,introduced
into funerary
sculpture,
Iikely after
paintedmodels, a Greek
mythical
episode that was not represented before, andrepresen-ted
it with
different
variantsin
the second century B.C.E. upuntil
thebeginning
of the
first
century
B.C.E. Thelack of
sourcesboth literary
andvisual
makesit
difficult
toidentify
the causes and modes of the development of the iconographyof
the
sacrificeof
Iphigenia
in
Perusiaand
to
explain
its
exceptional success.There
is
definitely room
for
further
investigation. However,
this
case studyclearly shows
that
Perusia wasanything but
in
a phaseof
general decline afterits political
submission
to
the
expanding Roman power.
Eventhough
manyaspects
still
remain unclear, the funerary record
of
the
city
document
thepresence of a
wealthy
middle class of servileorigin,
organizedin familial
groups,which at this point
achievedfull
political
rights. Among
thesefamilies
some,such as the Volumni-VelimnaTT and
the
Cai Cutu,78stand out by virtue of their
wealth.
Catalogue of the urns decorated
with
the sacrifice
of Iphigenia
Five figures on a line (Artemis, Odysseus with lphigenia, Agamemnon, woman). 1) Perugia, MN
inv.
18 (once Church of San Pietro). From Perugia.Brunn 1965,
4t,
pl. 36.3 ; Krauskopf 19 90, 729, no. 3.74 See also van der Meer 1991, 133-35.
75 Brunn1965,5O-1,pts.46.22-24,47.25;vanderMeer1977-1978,71,fig.48.Ontheproduction ofurns ofVolterra see also Cateni and Fiaschi 1984.
76 Brunn 1965, 51-2, pl. 57 .26. 77 Cenciaioli2011.
78 Feruglio 2002. Fig' 14: Gender and marital status ofthe individuals buried in the urns of perugia decorated with
lphigenia's sacrifice authors.
The
inscription
recording
the identity
of
the
deceasedmay give clues
to
themeaning of the sacrifice of Iphigenia
in
theperusinian
funerary context.surpri
singly, there is no specific connection between the myth and the gender or
marital
status
of
the
deceased. The subject appearson urns containing
the remainsof
men and women' and most of the women were married
(fig.
1a). That means that,contrary
to
Greektradition, in
the
Etruscancontext the
themecompletely
lostits
virginal/prenuptial
connotation. Thefocus
doesnot lie
on
the sacrificeof
a
72 Giuman2014.
Fr
118
Chiara Pito and Marco Giuman DE GRUYTER2) Perugia, MN inv. com. 46. From the environs of perugia.
Brunn 1965, 47,pL.35.2; Pairault 1972,39;
Itauskopf
1g9O,73},no.
1b; Cipollone2004,8,
no. 4.3) Perugia, MN
Brunn 1965, 47, no. 35,2a.
4) Perugia, Monte Luce, Casino
Vitiani.
Brunn 1965, 41, no. 35.2b.
5) Perugia,
Exhibition
"Tesoriritrovati."
From perugia,
Elce, hypogeumof
theCacni.
Cifani 2014, 182,
no.
17.6) Perugia,
Exhibition
"Tesoririftovati."
From perugia,
Elce, hypogeumof
theCacni.
Cifani2014, 182, no. 14.
7) Perugia, MN
inv.
com236, From Perugia,ponticello di
Campo, hypogeum of thePetui.
Pairault L972,p1.37;
Ikauskopf
1990,730, no. 1c; Cipollone 2OO4,24,no. 20.8)
Perugia,MN
inv.
com.
343.From perugia,
san sisto,
Gualtarella, costanzivineyard, hypogeum
ofTite
Vesi.Pairault 1972,p1.41; KrauskopfL99O,730, no. 1d; Cipollone 2OO4,41,no. 150.
9) Papiano, private collection.
Dareggi
t969,34-5,
no. 3, pI.2.1;Krauskopf.tgg},no.
1e.As above (woman on the right with torch).
10) Perugia, MN
inv.
16 (once Church of San pietro).Brunn 1965, 47,pt.35.7;
Pairault 7972p1.38;
Krauskopf 1990,730,no.1f;
Tomei2010,
fig.
18.Five figures on
a
line (odysseus with lphigenia and. Agamemnon between two men holding a spear).11) Perugia,
MN
inv.
com.
281. Fromperugia, northern environs
(sperandio orCorciano), tomb of the Rafì.
Brunn
1965,42,
pl.
37.5;Pairault
7972,pl.
40; Itauskopf
LggO, 73O, no. 19;Cipolloni 2OO4,36, no. 90.
Six figures (Artemis, Odysseus holding lphigenia, Agamemnon, woman (?); woman
loeeling on the right side).
12) Roma,
Villa
Giulia inv. 50313. From perugia, palazzone, hypogeum of the Afle.Brunn 1965, pI.41.11; Krauskopf 1990,73O,no. 4.
seven figures
on
two
levels (Artemis, odysseuswith
lphigenia, Agamemnon,wo-man; on lower row, on the
left
Achilles and on the right Clytaemnestra).DE GRUYTER Greek Myth on Etruscan urns from Perusia: the sacrifice of lphigenia
-
119
13) Perugia, MN
inv.
com. 330 (127). Perugia,the Pumpu Plaute.
Pairault t972,
pL.42;
Sannibale
1984, 175,Cipollone 2OO4,46,
no.
143.Ponticello
di
Campo, hyPogeumof
fig. 2;
Krauskopf
1990, 73O,no.7;
14) Perugia, MN
inv.
com.394 (187). Perugia, environs.Brunn1965,42,pL.37.6;Krauskopf
1990,73o,no.7aicipollone2004,55,no.
187.Nine figures (Artemis,
man,
Odysseus with lphigenia, Agamemnon, man, woman;lower
row, onleft
side Achilles and onright side Clytaemnestra, bothkneeling).15) Roma,
Villa
Giulia inv. 50312. From Perugia, Palazzone, hypogeum of the Afle.Brunn 1965, 48,pL.45.20; Krauskopf 1990,73O, no. 7b.
16) Exhibition,.Tesori
ritrovati."
From Perugia, Elce, hypogeum of the cacni.Cifani 2014, 182, no. 13.
Nine figures
(warrior,
Artemis, odysseus holdinglphigenia
and Agamemnon,wo-man; behind lphigenia,
an
attendant; lower level, on each side,awanior
kneeling).17) Perugia, MN inv. com.28. Perugia, environs, hypogeum of the Rafi'
Brunn 1965: 43, pl. 38.8;
Ikauskopf
1990:73O, no. 7d;cipollone
2004: 10, no. 13.Nine
figure
(Artemis, Odysseus with lphigenia, Agamemnon, woman; upper row'procession with musicians and
frontal
mourning woman) ,18) Perugia, MN inv. com. 34. From Perugia, Valiano, hypogeum of the
Veti'
Brunn 1965, 46,
tav.
42. L3; Rebuffat 7972,530-3L
fig'
9b; Krauskopf 1990,73O'no.5a; Cipollone2004,8,
no. 1.19) Perugia
MN
inv.
com. 344. From Perugia,san
Sisto,Gualtarella,
costanzivineyard, hypogeum
ofTite
Vesi.Cipollone 2OO4, 48, no. 252.
Nine figures
(Artemis,
odysseus holding Iphigenia and Agamemnon; upper line, amusician and a woman; lower level, on
left
side Achilles and onright
side Clytaem'ne str a, b o th lote eling).
20)
Perugia, Ponte San Giovanni,
Antiquarium
of
Palazzone.From
Perugia,Palazzone.
Nine figures (odysseus hotding lphigenia and Agamemnon; upper level, Artemis,
two attendants, man; lower level, on the
left
side Achilles and on right side Clytaem'ne str a, b oth kne eling).
21) Perugia, MN inv. com. 31. From the environs of Perugia.
r
i l
72O
Chiara Pilo and Marco Giuman DE GRUYTERNine
figures
on three leveb (Odysseus holding Iphigenia and Agamemnon; upperlevel, Artemis, woman mouming in
frontal
position,attendant
andflute player;
lower level, on Ieft side Achilles and on nght side Clytaemnestra, both kneeling).
22) Perugia
MN
inv.
com.
348. From Perugia, San Galigano, hypogeumof
theCalisna Memru.
Pairault
1972,pl.
44; Dareggi 7972,pI.46;
Ikauskopf
1990, 730, no. 9, Cipollone2004,49,no.
t5812.Ten figures
in
two
rows (Artemis, Odysseuswith
lphigenia, Agamemnon, woman;upper level, two men, one with double axe, a
ftontalwoman
mouming, a fluteplayer
and a tympanonplayer).23)
Perugia,
MN inv. 43
(Meniconi
Garden).From Piscille, hlryogeum
of
theVenete.
Lov,ry
1929,26-8, fig.
20;Brunn
7965, 46,pl.
42.14; Rebuffat 1972, 530-33, frgs.10a, 11;
Krauskopf
L99O,73O, no.5;
Barbanera 1990, 762-64, no. 3,figs.
11-12;Cipollone 2OO4, L4, no. 34.
More than ten figures (two men holding lphigenia, a naked man lying on the left, a
woman kneeling, at least four other figures not well preserved; on the
left
short side,akntsht).
24) Perugia,
Villa Antinori
at Monte Vile.Brunn 1965, 49,pL.45.27; Krauskopf 1990,731, no. 12.
Eleven figures (Odysseus with lphigenia and Agamemnon between a youth and a
man; a woman kneeling on the left; upper level, Artemis, a figure, a woman pourtng
a libation, two musicians).
25) Perugia,
Villa
Sorbello at Pischiello.Brunn 1965, 47,pL.43.1.6; Krauskopf 1990,73O, no. 9a.
Elevenfigures ontwolevels (woman, Artemis, Odysseuswithlphigenia, Agamemnon, woman; upperlevel,processionof three figuresholding offertngs,twomusicians).
26) Perugia, MN
inv.
com.329. From Perugia, Ponticellodi
Campo, hypogeumof
the Pumpu Plaute.
Brunn 1965, pL.43.17; IGauskopf 1990,730, no. 5b; Cipollone 2OO4,no.14'1..
Eleven figures (Odysseus with Iphigenia and Agamemenon; on the
left,
Artemis andawomanbehindher; onthe ight,
aflute player and awomankneeling).27) Perugia,
Villa
di Compresso.Brunn 1965, 45,
pl,
41,72.DE GRUYTER Greek Myth on Etruscan urns from Perusia: the sacrifice of lphigenia
-
727
Twelve figures on three levets (in the center, Odysseus with lphigenia and
Agamem-non, between Artemis and a woman; on the lower level, a man on the left side and a woman on the right side beseeching; on the upper row, musicians and attendants)
28) Vaticano, Museo Gregoriano Etrusco inv. 13902. Perugia, Casaglia'
Brunn 1g65, 47
,
t8;Pairault
1972, p1.45;sannibale
1984,7O-t76, no. 29.3;Ikaus-kopf1990,730,
no. 8b.29) MN inv. com. 279 (5O), Perugia, Sperandio or Corciano, hypogeum of the Rafi'
Brunn
1965,48,
no.
44,l9a;
Pairault
1972,pL.43;
Krauskopf 1990, 730,no'
8a;Cipollone 2OO4,37, no. 91.
Thirteen figures (Artemis,
two
men holding lphigenia' Agamemnon, two women;upper level, offering figures, amourningwoman, musicians)
30) Palazzone inv. 55. From Perugia, Palazzone, hlryogeum of the Tite Petruni.
Brunn 1965, 47, pL.43.15; Galli 1921, 54,57, fig.27;
Cenciaioli20ll'27-28'
Thirteen figures on three levels (Odysseus with Iphigenia and Agamemnon, between a man
and
Artemis on the left and a man with spear on the right; two men lorceling; on the upper level,five
musicians and attendants)31) Perugia, Casa del Cuore (ex
Villa
Monti) 14.Brunn 1965, 48,
pl.
44.19;Dareggi[g69,472,no.
11,pl.
118a; sannibale 1984,175,fig. 3;
Itauskopf
1990, 730, no. 8.Fourteen figures
(two
mencarrying
lphigenia, Agamemnon; on theleft,
a
nakedman lying and
a
figure behind him; on the right, a woman lcneeling and awarrior
standing; behind them, a man carrying a vessel and a Vanth-like figure with a torch;on the left short side, Vanth and
awarrior;
on the 'ight one, two warriors).32) Perugia, MN inv. com.49. From Perugia.
Brunn 1965, 43,p]..39.9;
Pairault
1972,46, no. 3; 102,pl.
18;Dareggil9T2,pl'
45;Krauskopf199O,73O, no. 6a; Cipollone 2004, 10, no. 16.
Fourteen figures
(in
the middle, odysseus with Iphigenia and Agamemnon; on theupper
level, Artemis,a
figure carrying anoffering
vessel,a
womqn witha
torch'three men; on the lower level, on the left, a naked man l«teeling and a man; on the right, a
woman
kneeling anda
youth)+
seven figures onlateral
sides(a l«ight,
aman and
a
vanth-like
womanwith
torch;
two
vanth-like women with torch,
awomanwith
abtife
andawarrior)
33) Roma,
Villa
Giulia inv. 50311. From Perugia ,Palazzone,hypogeum of theAfle'
Lovty 1929,25, frg.19;
Brunn 1965,44-5,tav.
40.10;Pairault
1972,46, nota 3' 102'I
722
Chiara Pito and Marco Giuman DE GRUYTERAcknowledgments: we
would
like to thank Fabiocolivicchi
for the opportunity totake part
in
the 2015AIA
General Meetingin
New orleans.our
thanks are due tothe soprintendenza Archeologia
dell'Umbria,
in
particular to
the formersuper-intendent Dr. Mario
Paganoand
to
Dr. Marisa scarpignato
for
facilitating this
research and
for
granting us permission and assistance at the MuseoArcheologi
co nazionale
dell'Umbria.
Works Cited
Aeschylus. 2o08. The oresteia: Agamemnon, Libation-bearers, Eumenides. Transtated by A.H. sommerstein. Loeb classical Library,746. cambridge, Mass.: Harvard universi§
Press.
Ambrosetti. G.7967. "lfigenia." EAA 4:93-6.
Barbanera, M. 1990. "Urne etrusche da una collezione privata di Perugia." RendLinc
6ltl5i-93.
Berichillo, c.2004. "studi sul territorio perugino nell'antichità." ostraka 73.tt717-216, Bianco Peroni, V.7976, Die Messer in ltalien-l coltelli nell'ltalia continentale, Munich: Beck'scheVerlagsbuch handlung.
Bonfante, L.7984. "Human sacrifice on an Etruscan FuneraryUrn,,'AlAgg:531-39.
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-2OI5 .VOLUME 18 . NUMBER 2
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DE GRUYTER
Contents
EtruscanStudies
-
2075
|
VolumelSI
Number2Special lssue: Etruria in the Third
to
First Century
B.C.E.:
Potiticat
subordination
and
culturaI
vitatity
Guest
Editor:
Fabio
Cotivicchi
Michael L. Thomas and Gretchen E. Meyers
Etruria in the Third
to
tirst
Century B.C.E.: Potiticat Subordinationand Cultural
Vitatity.
Forward to Volume 18.2-
69Articles
Enrico BenelliEpigraphy in a Changing Society: Etruria,
301-300
B.C.E.-
71Theresa Huntsman
lnscribed
ldentities:
Figural Cinerary Urns and Bilinguatism inLate Etruscan Funerary Contexts at Chiusi
-
81Chiara Pito and Marco Giuman
Greek Myth on Etruscan Urns from Perusia: the sacrifice of Iphigenia
-
97Laurel Taylor
Retigion and
lndustry
at Cetamura det Chianti in theLate Etruscan Period
-
126'Cheryl L Sowder
Rituat and
lndustry
inthe
Late Etruscan Period: The Wett at Cetamuradet
chianti
-757
Fabio Colivicchi
After
the
Falt: Caerealter
273 B.C.E.-
178Maria Raffaella Ciuccarelli
Etruscan Tombs in a