An afro-Brazilian culture house : evoking and celebrating collective memories

| Student. Number. Jacqueline de Souza Luduvice 832822

| Supervisors. Prof. Helder Casal Ribeiro Prof. Elena Montanari

Politecnico di Milano

School of Architecture and Society, Mantova Msc in Architecture and Preservation

First of all I am grateful to God for giving me strength and wisdom during my studies in Italy and especially in the production of this work. I would like to express my gratitude to my family; in particular to my mother and Roberto, without them all of this wouldn’t be possible.

I would like to thank my thesis supervisor Prof. Helder Casal Ribeiro from Faculty of Architecture of Porto. Who gave me all his attention during our meetings both in Italy and Porto, and who has always showed enthusiasm, motivation and patience towards this project. I appreciate his guidance and sharing of knowledge, which helped and inspired me in this work.

Furthermore I would like to show my gratitude to Prof. Elena Montanari from Politecnico di Milano in Mantova, that with valuable comments gave me the necessary support and guidance, in the production of this book.

I would like to be thankful to my cousin Gabriela, who not only was my driver during my visits to Rio de Janeiro but also was the designer of the cover of this book and the logo of the project. Finally I would like thank my friends who always provided me with support and encouragements throughout this years of studies abroad, in spe-cial Estefania, Sanja, Victoria and Damla that helped me a lot in moments of difficulty.

Thank you all, The Author.

| Aknowledgments

| Index

| An Afro-Brazilian Culture House: Evoking and Celebrating Collective Memories

Abstract

Introduction

Chapter 01 _ Rio de Janeiro’s Port: History and Symbolism

1.1 Urban Development of the Port Area in Rio de Janeiro 1.2 Afro-Descendents: Expressions and Relations 1.3 Pequena Africa: Memory and Social Identities

1.4 Celebration of African Heritage: Historical and Archaeological Path 1.5 Direct Discourses

Chapter 02 _ Places of Collective Memory: Displaying and Evoking Intangible Heritage

2.1 A Turning Point in the Design of Museum Spaces

2.2 Contemporary Museums as “Contact Zones” and “Third Spaces” 2.3 Communicating and Safeguarding Intangible Heritage Today 2.4 The New Heritage Centers: Their Role and Architecture

Chapter 03 _ Celebrating Afro-Brazilian Heritage: a Cultural House

3.1 Cultural House Mission 3.2 Location and Analyses 3.3 Study Case

3.4 African Historical and Archaeological Path: Giving Identity 3.5 The Concept and Program

3.6 The Cultural House

Final Considerations

Bibliography

Source of Images

| Abstract

Starting from the premise that tangible and in-tangible heritage should be protected, promoted and communicated, the project proposal relays on architectural features to create experiences and promote new interpretations of the African heritage and Afro-Brazilian identity present in Rio de Janeiro’s old port area.

The districts of the port zone has historically wit-nessed many transformation in the city but, may-be may-because of its stepped terrain and urbanistic choices, it has crystallized in itself characteristics of colonial period, which can be appreciated in its urban mesh, architectural typologies, commu-nity traditions which refers to historical moment of slavery trade system which Rio de Janeiro, es-pecially Valongo’s area played a key role in world scenario.

The proposal arises to evoke the tangible and intangible heritage of the place, reinforcing the Afro-Brazilian identity of the area. For that the Afro-Brazilian Cultural House intend to embrace the past and adapt to the present and future by an immersive architecture that uses the Afro-Brazilian culture as its inspiration, with the ob-jective to help in the communication of the her-itage presented in the cultural house.

Key words:

Tangible Heritage / Intangible Heritage / Rio de Janeiro / Afro-Brazilian Culture / Identity / Mem-ory / Celebrate / Communicate

| Introduction

This work is structured in three main chapter. First of all is exposed the history and evolution of a particular por-tion of Rio de Janeiro’s city in Brazil, the history of the development of Saúde, Gamboa and Santo Cristo, three districs that compose the city’s old port.

Within the development of this portion of the city, this chapter emphasize on the evolution of Afro-Brazilian cultural identity and heritage. It trys to explain how it was born and manage to perpetuate during the years even though been discriminated by the white portion of the society. This chapter is finalized with two interviews, one made in 2016 and the other in 2017, and the tran-scription of African-Brazilian religious cerimony, taken from the book A Utopia da Pequena Africa, written by Roberta Sampaio Guimarães. Those discourses can help to understand the memory and identities that this group of Rio’s society has in relation with this portion of the city and wich are the worries nowadays.

This work continues discussing about the role of Herit-age Institutions in the preservation and communicating heritage, especially the intangible heritage, how is the case of many Afro- Brazilian expressions.

The second chapter starts with an overall look in the ar-chitectural production of museums in the past years and focusing in the creation on the XXI century. It presents two consepts, “contact zones” and “third spaces”, widely used in the world of antropology and museology, and try to explain how those consepts can be used by the archi-tecture of Heritage Centers to help in the comunicating and safeguarding the Intangible Heritage.

After introducing UNESCO’S discription for Intangible Heritage and how museologicaly it can be comunicated and protected. This chapter translates it into heritage centers, that has in its escope either tangible and intan-gible heritage, and its architectural production in the XXI century. For that, it exemplifies with four case studies, which are, Musée des Civilisations de l’Europe et la Med-iterraneé in Marseille, Museé Royal de l”Afrique Centrale

in Tervuren, National Museum of the American Indian in Washington and Complexo Cultural de São Miguel Arcanjo in São Miguel das Missões.

Gathering the identity and memory found in the old port area of Rio de Janeiro and the production of Heritage Centers in the XXI century, the third chapter presents an architectural proposal for the creation of a cultural center for the Afro-Brazilian culture in Rio’s old port area. The proposal uses the consepts of con-tact zones and third spaces to create spaces where people can meet and exchange experiences, and where traditional elements of Afro-Brazilian culture can be displayed, teached and celebrated.

Finally the proposal for the Afro-Brazilian Cultural and Heritage House appears to evoke the memory of the place and to celebrate its identity. In this sense the ar-chitectural features appears to reinforce the character of the Afro-Brazilian culture that is intrisic related to the history of the city, and in especial, Rio’s old port area.

| Chapter 01

1.1 Urban development of Rio de Janeiro port area

The city of Rio de Janeiro, in its beginning, had a very different landscape from what is presented nowadays. Not only the transformation of construction space had changed, but also the natural scenery received a new physiognomy that back in the beginning of XVI century would make it unrecognizable. At that time it was char-acterized by hills, lakes and plains where much of it was flooded by mangroves. Studying the primitive scenario and looking at the landscape today, it is possible to un-derstand that hills have been disassembled, mangroves and lakes dried, and sea coast line modified.

Until the end of XVI century, the city was contained in the Castelo hill for defensive reasons. After the period of risk, the city started growing towards the lowland by three roads. First streets were opened in the plain area of the terrain connecting Castelo with São Bento Moun-tain. With the development of economic activities, at that time sugar production, streets perpendicular to the coast were being opened, connecting the primitive agglomer-ate to sugar factories in the inner lands.

Throughout the XVII century, the city spreads across the lowland. Some of the mountains that surrounded the city started to be occupied by religious groups. The first one were the benedictions who received São Bento Mountain by donation. Their presence attracted many neighbours, but it didn’t cause a big growth due to the presence of mangroves. In 1634, the brothers of Carmo settled in Conceição mountain and on top of it constructed a little church. Almost 30 years later, in another mountain was built Nossa Senhora do Livra-mento Chapel, which later would give its name to the hill. In the last years of XVII century another religious group settled in the area, this time in the downhill of Conceição Mountain, building São Francisco da Prain-ha CPrain-hapel.

The first period of Rio de Janeiro’s expansion, which lasted entire XVII century, resulted in an occupation that had a quadrilateral shape, having in each of its angles one mountain as limit. In the end of XVII centu-ry, the city of Rio de Janeiro extended between the sea and the current street Miguel Couto, having its limits established by Castelo, Santo Antonio, São Bento and Conceição mountains.

_ The city during XVII century

During the XVIII century, the area that today is known as Saúde, Santo Cristo and Gamboa wasn’t yet urban-ized. Those districts, in old times composed by Livra-mento, Saúde and Gamboa mountains, were a good choice for small farmers to settle. Due to its proximity to the city center and the existence of large and free spaces, those areas were good for exploitation of sub-sistence agriculture. As a consequence, the city, instead of developing towards these districts, continued grow-ing in the lowlands of those hills.

“(…) during the XVIII century, the number of small farms and business with land multiplied. In the Extracts and Manuscripts about aforamentos, Rastier Gonçalves af-firm that in XVIII century all the sea side of the city, from Prainha until São Cristóvão, was occupied by small farms with comfortable houses. (…)” (CARDOSO, Elizabeth p. 25).

With the discovery of gold mines in Minas Gerais, it caused the raise of trading of goods and slaves, which intensified port activities. When the connection between Rio de Janeiro e Minas Gerais was created, the city of Rio gained a highlight in the exchanges between Minas and Lisbon. Rio de Janeiro’s port started to be visited regu-larly by Portuguese ships to export gold and diamonds and receive fabrics, food and slaves.

In 1763, the Portuguese colonial capital is changed from

Salvador to Rio, as a consequence of the important role that the city was performing in the trading market between the colony and Lisbon. This important change accelerated the urbanization process of the city, hence lakes and mangroves started to be dried. According to CARDOSO, the city in 1713 had 12.000 inhabitants and in 1760 the number passes to 30.000 people. “(…) before 1800 (…) the coast between Prainha and Saude, had an important development, with the con-struction of buildings, like deposits, warehouses for agriculture products and imported products. In the same period the area was occupied by shipowners, slaves dealers, fishermen and nautical workers.”( CAR-DOSO, Elizabeth p. 28).

Still in XVIII century, one important change is made, which will be crucial on the development and char-acterization of the study area. The slave market that

IMAGE 01

Image 01

Plan of Rio de Janeiro city in 1779. The old city has grown between the Castelo, Santo Antonio, São Bento and Conceição Hills.

Map of Rio de Janeiro’s old port area in beginning of XIX century

Candelaria church

S. Francisco da Prainha church

Slave Port

New Black cemitery

Force

Trapiche

S. Bento Monastery

Conceição Fortress Coast Line

Future development proposal Guanabara Bay

Image 02

Rio de Janeiro Landscape in 1873 Image 03

Looking towards Guanabara’s Bay, and Saude, Gamboa and Saco do Alferes Mountains. Interesting image showing the development of the city towards S. Diogo and mangrove lands.

used to be in Direita Street, near the old customs port, was taken to Valongo’s beach, converting it in the cen-tral area for the slave trading. These important business attracted a series of activities to the area. A system of maritime transport was created between Valongo and other districts, many commercial activities arised to sup-port the slave business, a cemetery was constructed to receive the slaves that died during the trip to Brazil and many urban improvements were done in the area. The mangroves around Valongo area were dried and streets were opened. In the end of XVIII century, districts of Gam-boa, Santo Cristo and Saúde developed from small farms and groups of religious occupancy to the areas of bigger urban occupancy.

Prainha became a limit and a vector of development for the area, which went from the sea towards the moun-tains, and resulted in the connection between Conceição and Saúde Hill. This settlement already had some com-plex constructions despite the simplicity of warehouses that used to sell slaves. The road that cut the Livramento and Saúde Hill was characterized by small farms and the Pretos Novos Cemetery, where they used to bury dead newcomer slaves from Africa. At that time, apart from Conceição Mountain, the other hills from the area weren’t yet developed, they remained still with rural as-pect.

_ During the XIX century

The situation started to intensify with the arrival of the Portuguese court to Brazil, in this case, to the capital of the colony Rio de Janeiro, in 1808. It strongly influenced the development of Saúde, Gamboa, Saco do Alferes and Formosa beach. The urbanization process in Valongo’s area generalized, and during the XIX century the small farms started being divided in urban lots and public streets. The increasing port activities dynamized the oc-cupation of the hills and lowland of all the surrounding

areas. With the Portuguese royal family and its court, the trade intensifies, which promotes many benefits that start reflecting in the economy, health of popu-lation, as well as in the development of the city. Not much time after, the movement of exportation and im-portation became bigger, and new roads started being opened, bumpy roads were being repaired and the city started growing towards south areas of the city, like Lapa, Cidade Nova, Catumbi and Saúde.

As the base of Rio de Janerio’s economy was the im-portation and exim-portation of goods the port area was privileged. Prainha and Valongo’s beach experienced a big development, which gradually reached the neigh-bouring beaches. The construction of docks and ware-houses intensified in the entire area of coast, and in the narrow line between the ocean and mountains, streets started to emerge in order to absorb the cir-culation of goods.

Around 1830, it was registered a huge increasement of docks in the coast that went from Prainha to Gam-boa, because of the multiplication of warehouses for the exportation of coffee. In Prainha, the slave dealers were being substituted by new users, since the slave trade became an illegal activity by English influence under Portuguese Monarchy. As a result, in 1831, the slaves’ deposit in Valongo Street was extinct and in 1834 the gallow that was in Largo da Prainha (Mauá square nowadays), was removed.

The mooring bridges, constructed in the previous cen-tury, were becoming coffee warehouses. In that mo-ment some landfills were realized for the construction of new docks, and some ironworks and blacksmiths were established in the roads that were leading to Prainha and Gamboa beaches. In 1843, Valongo wharf was chosen for the landing of the future empress of Rio de Janeiro, Teresa Cristina. This resolution resulted on the enlargement of the wharf, and with the arrival of Teresa Cristina, Valongo wharf started being called Empress wharf.

IMAGE 03

Map of Rio de Janeiro’s old port area in middle of XIX century

Candelaria church

S. Francisco da Prainha church

English Cemitery Empress Pier Trapiche S. Bento Monastery Conceição Fortress Coast Line Guanabara Bay North

IMAGE 04

IMAGE 07

IMAGE 06 IMAGE 05

1 Brazilian martial art that combines elements of dance, acrobatics and music. Capoeira was born as a simple way of survivel for the slaves that used this martial art as protection from armed and mounted colonial agents who were charged with finding the fugitives slaves. On 26th november 2014, capoeira granted a special protected status as intangible cul-ture heritage from UNESCO.

Image 04

Rio de Janeiro Panorama. Possible to see the multipli-cation of docks in Saúde coast.

Image 05

Portrays the sell of slave children’s in Valongo street. Image 06

Slaves market in Valongo street. Image 07

Portrays the slaves market at Valongo’s street.

With the constant arrival of new inhabitants to live in the city, the center was becoming overcrowded, the people were finding some difficulties to find home. Therefore, Conceição and Saúde mountains emerged as a solution for residence, resulting in the openings of small streets in its slopes. For its salubrity and nice view from the bay, it was considered a good place to live; however, this advantages were counterbalanced with the high costs of constructing in a steeped terrain. Meanwhile, Livra-mento mountain started to receive its first houses and streets. This hill that predominantly was composed by small farms, was a meeting point for popular groups like capoeiras1_.

Although throughout its history, the economy of Rio de

Janeiro was based on the trade of importation and exportation, in the beginning of XX century, the city didn’t have a good system of port. It had only a small number of small docks that went from war arsenal (National Historic Museum) to navy arsenal (Mauá square). Besides sloops, small boats with a single mast and a fore-and-after rig, no other bigger water-craft could berth in those docks. It means that over-seas ships had to stop in the middle of Guanabaras bay, and their landing process had to be done by small boats that could approach the docks on the coast. Despite the difficulties, the circulation of goods was constantly growing, resulting in a spatial specializa-tion of the activity. Saúde coast was responsible to absorb the arrival of wood, leather, sugar, agriculture genres coming from the island, from the bay, and from

IMAGE 09

2 According to Brazilian Maritime Dictionary of 1877, it was a warehouse on the coast that stores the landed goods or the ones to be boarded.

Image 08

Rio de Janeiro seen from Cobras Island. Image 09

Wharf of Imperatriz, ancient wharf of Valongo. En-larged and embellished in 1834, whith the arrival of Teresa Cristina empress in Rio de Janeiro. Image 10

1866 “Plan of the city of Rio de Janeiro”. The trapiches projected themselves toward the ocean, creating a new geography at the coast.

Image 11

Picture of 1866. Saco do Alferes ans part of Pinto Hill, seen from Providencia hill. Looking the two small island that desapeared with the landfills from 1890.

the countryside, in order to supply the city. On the other hand, Castelo coast was receiving the rest of the port activities of the city. The Prainha beach was responsible to drain the coffee bags: this led to a multiplication of warehouses and docks that were supposed to deal with the coffee production that was growing fast.

The exploitation of trapiches2 _{, together with wharf,}

turned out to be an excellent business at that time. Some owners exploited it directly, others leased to third parties. In the second part of XIX century, trapiches and wharfs covered entirely the coast that went from Prainha to Saco do Alferes.

“According to Sergio Lamarão, even with the intensi-fication of port activities, the area couldn’t be yet con-sidered as a port zone of the city. This feature would come only after a huge process of hierarchy of urban space.”(CARDOSO, Elizabeth p. 62).

With the increase of port activities, this consequently re-verberated in the development of areas near to the coast and the characterization of its constructions (mostly

Map of Rio de Janeiro’s old port area in final of XIX century

Candelaria church

S. Francisco da Prainha church

English Cemitery

Empress Pier

Train Station

Estrada de Ferro (current Central do Brasil) Trapiche S. Bento Monastery Conceição Fortress Train Line Coast Line

Future development proposal Guanabara Bay

buildings to comply with the port necessities). Around 1850, the Harmonia square was opened (actual Coronel Assunção square), and in its proximities was installed the Harmonia market. At that point the commercial move-ment in this area, known as Livramove-mento district, was already big, and comprised the roads between Gamboa and Valongo’s beaches between Saúde and Livramento mountains. With the implantation of the train lines called Estrada de Ferro D. Pedro II, this area was sup-posed to receive a big impact which was going to change the everyday life of the residents. In 1858, near current Campo de Santana, the Central Train Station was con-structed. With the extention of the train lines, it would put the city in fast communication with the interior of the country.

The presence of the train station, apart from represent-ing a big development for the drain of the goods comrepresent-ing to the country and going to the friendly countries, it also influenced the development of the areas of Gamboa, Saúde and Valongo. The result was also sensitive devalu-ation of the terrains for the residential use. The occupa-tion was being done in a very diversified way. The big

IMAGE 11

terrains were intended for services and the construc-tions of the first types of collective housing of the city, and the small terrains for the construction of houses for tenements and hostels.

Ten years after the train lines started operating, the entire coast was occupied, from Prainha to Formosa beach. Saco do Alferes coast was divided in small ter-rains, housing trapiches, warehouses and some com-mercial and residential buildings. Formosa beach, that until then hadn’t been hit by the port activities, started to receive the construction of residential buildings of variable sizes. As a result of the increased business and the possibility to invest in transport and services, the population grew and the urban space was expanding. Therefore, the mountains near the city center were seen as a good option for living. During the second half of XIX century the mountains were being intensively occupied. Conceição and Saúde were already counting with groups of buildings and streets totally occupied. New streets were opened, and because of rough ter-rain the lots were parcellated in several sizes. Due to the steep terrain, the traditional buildings alignments

were changed, buildings were constructed with a frontal fall back to allow access via stairs.

From that period, Livramento Mountain was divided in three parts. The name Livramento was used only for the part nearest Conceição Mountain. The other parts were renamed to Formiga Hill and Providencia Hill. In the end of 1850s, this two new hills were already occupied by a considerable quantity of residents. Livramento Hill de-veloped more slowly due to the existence of large farms which only around 1880 were divided into urban plots. It is interesting to emphasize that with the occupation of the hills, new architectural solutions started to appear to overcome the rough terrain. These solutions are not found in other parts of the city at that time.

During the second half of XIX century, the port capacity comes into focus as well. At that time Brazil was the big-gest producer of coffee putting Rio de Janeiro’s port in World highlight. Together with coffee’s exportation, the port was the principal point of internal distribution of goods for the entire country. In 1852, a comission was created to study the possibility of dock alignment be-tween the Arsenal da Marinha and Arsenal de Guerra, to construct the Customs dock. However, before its opening, it was reached the conclusion that the building wouldn’t have the necessary capacity. As a result, in 1870, it is au-thorized the construction of another dock called Dom Pedro II, which was located at Saúde beach.

Following the port issue, another problem appeared: the inability to drain the products in the same velocity as they arrive to the country. The train station was com-pletely full of products, especially coffee for exportation. It was necessary at that point to bring the train closer to the ocean. In 1876, a commission is named to study the construction of station at Saco da Gamboa which would bear warehouse for importation and exportation of goods. This station was opened in 1879.

In 1882, Prainha, Saúde and Gamboa received gas and sewage piping offering proper conditions for the

instal-lation of industries in the streets near the ocean. The workers of these places and port employees rein-forced the popular character of this area of the city. With the arrival of this new wave of workers, many landowners were stimulated to construct little hous-es or bedrooms in the back of their property to rent. Many collective housing was starting to appear, in the lowland oriented to the city center.

As the activities in the area increased, the number of residents also increased, which made the city spread once more, but this time towards Formosa beach. In 1879, a new landfill is done between Formosa Street and São Cristovão District. This landfill made Cães and Cobras islands disappear.

_ City development at the end of XIX century and be-ginning of XX century

At the end of XIX century, Rio de Janeiro city still had a colonial character, which didn’t match with the new status that the city had, as capital of the biggest pro-ducer of coffee in the world. The city had to develop and represent new identity. At that time, the slavery abolition was happening, the proclamation of Repub-lic, and the arrival of thousands of foreign people. All of that contributed to increase the quantity of people living in the city center, causing important salubrity issues.

This period of the city history was marked by the ne-cessity to modernize, civilize and sanitize it. Therefore, for the first time in country’s history, a broad urban renewal policy was implemented, and the priority were the old areas of the city. In plan was moderniza-tion of the port area, programs of enlargement and extention of streets. These actions generated demo-lition of hundreds of buildings causing evictions. In

IMAGE 13

3 Popular name given to Port districts. Image 12

View from Rio de Janeiro taken from Santo Antonio Hill, seeing at the back Conceição and Livramento hill. With coffe trading Rio turn out to be a big city, but it still didn’t had a proper port system.

Image 13

Picture taken from Cobras Island, looking at right São Bento monastery and Marinha Arsenal, at the center the custom docks. The custom docks were the first at-tempt to endow the city with a port.

Image 14

Train Station at the see 1907. Constructed specially for unload of charcoal for the use of railway itself and for unload of coffee coming from the countryside. Image 15

View from Gamboa coast taken from Providencia Hill, possible to see the train station at the see, tha Gamboa Hospital and Gamboa hill.

IMAGE 15

the same time of urban interventions, a program to fight against epidemics started, which again caused evictions in entire city, creating housing problems. As a result, the first favela was born in Rio de Janeiro, called Favela da Providencia.

The modernization of the port consisted in the construc-tion of a new dock, the landfill of Prainha, Valongo, Saco da Gamboa and Saco do Alferes coasts and Formosa beach, plus the extention of mangrove channel until the ocean. In the landfill were constructed two big avenues: Rodrigues Alves along the quay, and Francisco Bicalho on the banks of the channel. The rest of the big surface was urbanized following modern rules, with large streets, regular blocks, orthogonal tracing and large lots. It is ex-tremely visible the two types of occupation when walk-ing in the street Sacadura Cabral, on one side the old colonial occupation, and on the other the modernist one. In the beginning of XX century in Providencia Hill, the quantity of small houses multiplied. On the other hand, the landfill area was growing in a very slow rhythm and in the old areas of the city things remained the same. The popular character of the area was reinforced with the presence of port and industries workers. Therefore, the port zone gave birth for the first sindical association of the city. In a way, the port districts became marginal districts in time and space. In time because, while the

city was modernizing through verticalization, like Co-pacabana, others like Gamboa, Saúde and Santo Cristo districts were cristalized, the activities and traditions were staying the same. In space because of its geo-graphic conformation, the landfill area separated the old districts from the ocean and they never were com-pletely integrated to the old areas of the city. In the beginning of 1940s, during Vargas govern, Rio de Janeiro again is submitted to big urban interven-tions, like the opening of a big avenue called Presi-dente Vargas, monumental axis which connected Rio Branco avenue to the access of the city. Later in 1960s and 1970s, another important avenue is opened: the Perimetral Avenue. A bridge stretched across the har-bour, which connected the other bridges with direct access to Brasil Avenue and Rio-Niteroi bridge, the two important accesses to the city. The opening of this two avenues were the most important elements that caused the cristalization of the port districts. President Vargas Avenue accentuated the rupture in the continu-ity of little Africa3 _{with the districts of the new city.}

The Perimetral Avenue caused a rupture of this three districts with the port itself.

It is possible to affirm that, since the beginning of the history of those districts, the undesired equipment of

IMAGE 16 IMAGE 17

Map of Rio de Janeiro’s old port area in beggining of XX century

Candelaria church

S. Francisco da Prainha church

English Cemitery

Train Station

Estrada de Ferro (current Central do Brasil)

Port Warehouse (current Cultural Warehouse) S. Bento Monastery Conceição Fortress Train Line Coast Line Guanabara Bay North

4 Popular way of calling people who was born in Rio de Janeiro city.

Image 16

Municipal Square, which before was Valongo’s dock until 1843 and after Empress Wharf.

Image 17

Picture of Estivadores square which until 1843 was Largo do Deposito, after Largo of Empress until 1888 and Redenção square until1904.

Image 18

Livramento Hill in 1893, when the works for the con-struction of João Ricardo Tunnel were in progress. Image 19

Mangroves Canal, 1906. Actual Bicalho Avenue just opened.

the city were always established there, starting with salt trapiches, then slave markets, force, prison, slaves cem-etery, hospital of epidemic diseases, the port, the home-less and the recent parking buildings. But, different from the rest of the city, in this area the construction is cristal-ized, preserving in its image, the past of the city.

_ End of XX century and beginning of XXI century

At the end of XX century, the position and activities of the port were put into discussion. As a result, the atten-tion of various society segments at that moment turned to the port. The business segment saw the area as an opportunity to create a new commercial center due to its proximity to the city center. On the other hand, the preservative groups were against radical urban reforms fearing the loss of its historical character, residents feared possible consequences of an urban development in the area, while urban scholars feared the decharac-terization and loss of cultural identity of the place. The fact is that during decades the Port area of Rio de Janeiro

was seen by the rest of the citizens as a degraded and poorly frequented area of the city. For years the grounded part of the districts had life only during the work hours of the factories established in the area, and during night, apart from some specific points like Pedra do Sal for samba party nights, was completely desert contributing to crime. On the other hand, the area of the hills presented a cristalization of its urban, economical and social forms becoming an oasis in the preservation of the culture and the way of carioca’s4

life. During years the area passed through a dead-lock, because any type of intervention in this part of the city would improve the situation in the flatten ar-eas of the districts, but on the other side could start with a process of losing the cultural heritage that still resisted in the steeped parts of the districts. This discussion gets more intense with the World Cup in Brazil, and the selection of Rio de Janeiro for the Olympic games of 2016. The government decided to invest in a big urban restructuration, where the target is to put the city in the eyes of the international

IMAGE 20 IMAGE 21

Image 20 and 21

Construction of a wall at saco da Gamboa wharf for the construction of the new Port dock in 1906. Image 22

Opening of new port dock in 1910. Image 23

Aerial view of the city from 1930. The city predomi-nantly horizontal the A Noite Building stood out. Image 24

Maua Square and Rio Branco Avenue in 1967. Know the Anoite Building isn’t a focal point due to verticali-zation of the city center.

Image 25

Aerial view of Maua Square after the urban requali-fication.

ket. In this spirit, the port district emerges as the best area to receive the new ideal for a contemporary city because much of this idealism uses the culture and her-itage as marketing elements for bringing international visibility and consequent investments.

In short, the Project consisted on the demolition of the Perimetral bridge and in its place, the construction of a boulevard, creation of a tram line and of a new zoning for the area with a delimitation of areas for preservation and areas for new settlements with skyscrapers.

From the cultural point of view, it was created the Tomorrow Museum, designed by Santiago Calatrava, and a new Aquarium for the city. The MAR (Museum of art of Rio de Janeiro) moved to Mauá Square, a new archaeological site was opened to the visitors, the old Valongo’s dock and Empress wharf, and an African her-itage circuit was created. A proposition was made in July 2017 to inscribe Valongo’s dock as World Heritage by UNESCO.

Map with the new line coast of the city

cartographic base: map of the city in 1803

Map of Rio de Janeiro’s old port area until 2016

Candelaria church

S. Francisco da Prainha church

English Cemitery

Train Station

A noite Building

Estrada de Ferro (current Central do Brasil)

Port Warehouse (current Cultural Warehouse)

S. Bento Monastery

Conceição Fortress

Port Paasengers Terminal

Coast Line Train Line

Perimetral Bridge Guanabara Bay

Map of Rio de Janeiro’s old port area now a day

Candelaria church

S. Francisco da Prainha church

English Cemitery

Train Station

A noite Building

Estrada de Ferro (current Central do Brasil)

Port Warehouse (current Cultural Warehouse)

S. Bento Monastery

Conceição Fortress

Port Paasengers Terminal

Museum of Art of Rio de Janeiro Museum of Tomorrow

Archeological site ( former slave and Empress Pier and New Black Cemitery) Coast Line Train Line Cultural Promenade Guanabara Bay North

1.2 Afro-Descendents: expressions and relations.

This chapter is focusing in one part of Rio de Janeiro’s history, more specifically, on the period when the arrival of slaves in Rio de Janeiro, moves from Largo do Paço (current XV square) to Valongo’s dock. This small change was of big importance to characterize this area of the city; it affected the life of locals and in long term the life of an entire nation. Today this area is a place of memory of the pain caused by the slavery and of celebration of its heritage.

The districts of the old port of Rio de Janeiro can be con-sidered as the first Brazilian periphery. Over time many of activities considered unwanted were being transferred to this area of the city, and some of them were those related to the slavery. In XVIII century, the biggest part of captives landing and its commercialization was realized

at Direita Street, in the commercial and administra-tive center of the city at that time. The sad and eve-ryday sight of those who were slaves, combined with the fear of any type of diseases contamination that those could bring from their trip, motivated system-atic complaints from carioca’s1 _{elite. The result was}

the transfer of those activities to farthest areas of the city, in that time, Valongo’s beach area.

In XVIII, all the slavery system was established in this part of the city, it counted with slaves’ markets, that were settled at Valongo’s street, a cemetery for the slaves that didn’t resist the travel between Africa and Brazil, the public force that was at Prainha, the Gam-boa’s Lazareto for the quarantine of the newly arrived

Map with positions of slavery system in Rio de Janeiro

cartographic base: map of the city in 1803

Valongo Beach Prainha Direita Street Area Saco do Alferes Force Slaves Market Valongo’s Warth

Pretos Novos Cemetery

Gamboa’s Lazareto

sick slaves. It was the biggest slave trade complex of the Americas. The activities that started on 1774, would only slow down in 1831, when the Atlantic slave traffic was formally forbidden in Brazil.

According to scholars, it is estimated that 12.521.533 African slaves boarded from Africa to the America be-tween 1501 and 1867. Brazil was, at least, destination of 40% of those captives, between them 60% landed in Rio de Janeiro; it is believed that in Valongo’s Dock arrived one million of African slaves. Rio de Janeiro’s port also worked as a connection for other South American ports, like Montevideo and Buenos Aires.

Debret in one of his works left one important testimony about the slave market in Rio de Janeiro. The canary that he portrays can also be seen on the picture 07 of this study.

“ It is in Valongo Street, in Rio de Janeiro, that is possible to find the slave market, place where is deposited the new arrived slaves from the African coast. Sometimes

they belong to many owners, and are differentiated by the piece of clothes that they are dressed.

(…) This market, sometimes with the permission of the owners, is converted into a ballroom with rhythmical groans of a slaves in line turning around themselves and clapping hands to mark the sound, a typology of dance very similar to Brazilians aborigines.”

The history of the districts of the old port of Rio de Janeiro is extremely related with the emergence of African Brazilian Culture. When the Africans arrived in Brazil, they brought with them cultural baggage, that included an impressive repertory of spiritual practices, and once in Brazil, these practices were adapted to new conditions and necessities. It is important to emphasize that the Brazilian captives were originally from differ-ent tribes in Africa, mostly from Cdiffer-entral Africa with smaller contingents from West and East Africa. Back on their continent, those tribes, didn’t have necessary any type of contact. Therefore, once in Brazil, they are mixed between them and with Brazilian society, which generates a big cultural melting pot that will originate

IMAGE 26

1. Popular way of calling people who was born in Rio de Janeiro city.

Image 26

Picture made by Johan M. Rugendas. In this drawing the author represents four African groups, easily found in the colony. They were “Cabinda”, “Quiloa”, “Rebola” and “Mina”. Groups that in the original continent would be difficult to get in touch.

Image 27

Engraving by Jean Baptiste Debret, 1817 - 1829. Slaved woman from Mozambique.

Image 28

Picture made by Jean Baptiste Debret., 1829 In this drawing he represents slaved persons from different ethinic groups found in Rio de Janeiro.

culture, not only because it was the area were they arrived, but in its history it became the place where they found safety and were welcomed by their broth-ers in color. Valongo’s area was place of resistance, in a period when African practices like capoeira2_{, religious}

practices, dances and music were made clandestinely, because it was prohibited, and its practice could lead to prison. In that period, when slavery was still a legal practice, this area of the city was known as black city, where the new arrived captives were mixed with those who were freed and those who were fugitives from other parts of the city and country.

In Valongo’s surroundings emerged, in XIX century, the Angus3 _{houses that were places to eat and}

reu-nite, were Africans and their descendants cohabited and constituted new identities. In those houses they used to schedule escapes and rituals that reminded African religions. Even after the forbidding of slave trade, the area continued receiving afro-descendants, especially those coming from Bahia, in particular, from mid-eighties. This area of the city was also house of Tias baianas4_{, like tia Ciata, which used to make parties}

overflowing with music and food, where famous music composers, like João da Baiana, Pixinguinha, Donga, Heitor dos Prazeres used to attend. “Tias Baianas” formed one of the principal centers of organization and influence for the community. At that time, those women were respected because of their religious role and their presence in the principal activities of the group. We can say that, through them, the perpetuation of African traditions and the possibility of its spread into the city life were guaranteed.

It is in this big African descendants community that was created, the first candomblé5 _{houses and the first}

ranchos carnavalescos6_{, like O Dois de Ouro and Rei de}

Ouro, emerged and later generated the street carni-val with blocos carnacarni-valescos and the samba schools. Another important cultural manifestation that is ma-terialized in this area is the Capoeira, which was a war dance and at the same time a game, that was prac-Afro-Brazilian culture, and in a bigger scale also

influ-ence Brazilian national costumes, values and traditions. Tania Lima testifies this culture melting pot in her arti-cle for the Journal of African Diaspora Archaeology and Heritage: “Originating from different regions of their home continent and, in principle, without any mutual af-finities, this shared platform allowed them to reinvent themselves and survive under the new conditions im-posed upon them, coming together now in compliance with new logic of ethnic awareness. It was through this cosmovision that they constructed new collectives iden-tities and new belief system, allowing them to deal with the anguishes, uncertainties, and hostilities resulting from their enslavement, as well as any sort of adversity related to their daily lives.” (LIMA, p.131).

Through archaeological studies, realized when Valongo’s wharf was rediscovered during the works for the requali-fication of the Port area in 2015/2016, it was possible to better understand the relations and expressions of this culture in its beginnings. Through these archaeological objects is possible to comprehend the costumes, the eve-ryday life, religious symbolism and the resistance of the slaves to the system imposed on them. And so, we can understand how this culture survived during time and developed influencing and being influenced by existed Brazilian society.

Some artefacts found were amulets that were like a second skin for spiritual and physical protection against any type of harm. They were beads, figas (hand charms), crucifix, horns, shells, crystals, rings of vegetal fiber, me-tallic objects like earrings and bracelets and some ele-ments from ruling class that were reused and meaning redefined. Those artefacts demonstrate the beliefs and strategies found by the slaves of Valongo to deal with the oppression, desperation and hope. Many of them are still used by religious practices of African matrices. The area of the old port of Rio de Janeiro is really im-portant for the maintenance of the African Brazilian 2. Brazilian martial art that combines elements of

dance, acrobatics and music. Capoeira was born as a simple way of survivel for the slaves that used this martial art as protection from armed and mounted colonial agents who were charged with finding the fugitives slaves. On 26th november 2014, capoeira granted a special protected status as intangible cul-ture heritage from UNESCO.

3. Type of cheap food made of cassava flour and water, having the possibility to have or not the complement of meat. This type of food was made by and sold to the slaves and their descendents.

4. Old, black ladies coming from Bahia that lived in Rio de Janeiro in the end of XIX century. Respected between the Afro-Brazilian community for their knowl-odge of african culture. Used to receive in their houses, slaves and their descendents, for rituals practices when their traditions were forbidden.

5. African Brazilian religious tradition.

6. Carnival associations composed by afro-brazilian community in Rio de Janeiro. It used to organize popu-lar events with music and costumes. Its activities were well acepted by european society and it existed from end of XIX and beginning of XX century. This practice was of great importance and influenced the produc-tions of today’s street carnival and samba’s school of Rio de Janeiro’s carnival tradition.

43

ticed by Africans and Afro-descendants; the movements in “dance” were marked by a specific musical instruments called Berimbau. All this cultural legacy was, with time, incorporated in the city culture. For example today, even for a foreign person, is impossible to think about the city of Rio de Janeiro without relating it with carnival parties. “The solid presence of African people made Heitor dos Prazeres call the entire area, which extended from the New City until 11 of June square, as Pequena Africa (little Africa). All this area was, place of convergence of Afro-Descendents from Bahia, that incorporate themselves in existed groups, originating the afro-brazilian commu-nity”. (CARDOSO, 1987, p.138)

The port area was also residence, work area and pleasure area for the port workers predominantly formed, since slavery period, by Africans and their descendants. In this space was established one African stronghold, which community’s tie was based in the slavery memories and in the African ancestry. Valongo’s area, known before as black city, become the central point for a much bigger area, that in beginning of XX century started to be called as Little Africa (Pequena Africa). Even with all transfor-mation process that the city and in special the old port area was through, the cultural aspects of this area wasn’t lost in time, in contrary, was reaffirmed.

“At the Valongo Wharf, Africa was still very much alive. Slaves were separated from their homeland by brutal journeys lasting one or two months. On arrival, their hearts, minds, beliefs, and practices were still deeply rooted in Africa, despite being now physically present in Brazil. The nonstop movement of ships arriving from and returning to the African continent, bringing a constant influx of new contingents of enslaved Africans over a period of at least 20 years, meant that this area always remained very closely tied to Africa.” (LIMA, p.106). Today is possible to claim that Gamboa, Saúde and Santo Cristo districts are places of memory. The reason is that, during many years, there was the first contact of African

captives with Brazil, and after that, for a long time, was a place where their descendants, coming from Bahia and other places of Brazil, were welcomed, finding there a place to live, to practice their beliefs and tradi-tions. As a result, the emergence of spaces for Afro-Brazilian celebration of religious and festive character is defining this area of the city, as place of memory and celebration of African origins.

1.3 “Pequena Africa”: Memory and social identities.

It is already known that the old Port area of

Rio de Janeiro has passed many transformations in its urban system and, as consequence, in its sociabil-ity. There is no doubt that history of this part of the city is intrinsically related to the African Brazilian Cul-ture. The question is: what is the situation nowadays? Do actual residents share the memories left by the Africans? Does the state protect both tangible and in-tangible heritage of the area? Which are the social identities of this place? Those are some questions tried to be answered in the next pages of this study. As explained before, the landscape of the port zone was constructed and transformed, keeping the experi-ences and cultural traditions of the population that in many moments of history had to reconfigure and adapt to the new space. However, this landscape is charged with signs of life experiences, and through architectural landmarks, ruins, community, is possible to read the dif-ferent moments that marked the passage of time and life. We can consider the port zone of Rio de Janeiro as

place where the memory crystallizes and refuge itself. Many identities composed the occupation and develop-ment of the old Port area of Rio de Janeiro. In the past, this place was residence of a population constituted by different ethnicities, social classes, and religious prac-tices, from the slaves to the Europeans immigrants, especially Spanish, Portuguese and English, each one with their costumes, traditions and memories. It is an area that always had a popular character, first with the slaves, after workers from the port and industries and nowadays this condition didn’t change due to low rental prices, that came from previous political neglect. The creation of big avenues, especially Perimetral bridge that, together with hilly landscape of this part of Rio de Janeiro, helped to make a division between this area and the rest of the city. This matter, together with the fact that wealthiest population leaves city center, towards more remotes areas, taking with them econom-ical incentives, generates degradations of some parts of the city center, especially the old port zone. Another important element to emphasize is that in the decades of 1920, the Port that was in Rodrigues Alves Avenue moves to Caju district leaving a big quantity of empty warehouses contributing to the abandon of the region. Consequently the old Port area became a poor, degrad-ed and stigmatizdegrad-ed area with its empty spaces that, in many cases, start to be informally occupied by samba schools, families and street sellers of local operation. “The population of Conceição Hill before was con-stituted by slaves and Portuguese, Spanish and Ital-ians immigrants, from beginning of XX century. Today, there are few who still lives there, the prevalent presence is of nordestinos migrants which arrived in many, established themselves and constituted families. This group of people has an ambiguous re-lation with the ancient residents, which against each other, say they have nothing, but in everyday life

marked sounds, which will influence the music and dance, including the specific music instruments for the creation of those rhythms, like Afoxé, Agogo, Cuíca, Reco Reco and Tambores. The food is also influenced by these religious practices, because many of what is known as Brazilian traditional food, comes from dishes that are produced to be offered to the Orixás (African religion supreme divinity), in the African religious ritu-als. In the direct discourses, in the end of this chapter, is possible to find an extract taken fromA Utopia da Pequena Africa, where the author describes one reli-gious celebration of African matrix in which is possible to see the use of music, food, dress code and dance. One of the oldest institutions still active in Valongo’s area is Sociedade Dramatica Particular Filhos de Tal-ma, first Brazilin dramaturgy school created by workers of the area, that today is meeting point for carnival group Prata Preta that parades in Saúde district. An-other important association extremely linked with Af-rican culture is the Filhos de Gandhi. Their way of ex-pression is known as Afoxé, which designate a type of street carnival manifestation. Furthermore, is possible to find many religious houses of African cast, like Can-domblé, Umbanda and Candomblé de Angola. Many restaurants in the area offer Afro-Brazilian food, and the most traditional samba parties of the city happens prefer to keep distance.”(THIESEN and BARROS, p.99)

Today, as mentioned before, the residents of the area are in its majority composed by migrants from the north of the country, popular called as nordestinos, and the other small portion is composed by the original com-munity, African descendants and European immigrants descendants. Having other costumes, traditions and es-pecially religious practices, these new residents, don’t share the memory and existing traditions of the place having an especial prejudice with African practices. This situation can be seen in Dona Merced interview attached in direct discourses in the end of this chap-ter. Nevertheless, it is still possible to find manifesta-tions connected with African tradimanifesta-tions in that area, because those practices transcend time and place. It is especially important and interesting to bring atten-tion to African-brazilian religions. Much of what we can see in Brazilian traditions that we identify as coming from Africa, is related to religious practices of this com-munity that with time started to influence the behaviour of brazilian population independent of the background and individual origins. It is possible to see a big rela-tion in the Brazilian way of dressing and dress code for those religious practices, like head turbans, lace and embroidered dresses and skirts. Another relation are the

IMAGE 29 IMAGE 30

Image 29

Fourth “Dock Washing”of Valongo’s wharf. Religious ritual that honors the slaved africans that arrived in Rio de Janeiro. This celebration takes place every year on July.

Image 30

Capoeira circle at Vlongo’s wharf. Image 31

Samba circle at Pedra do Sal. Image 32

Dona Zilla exposition at Preto Novos Instituti on janu-ary 2012.

at Pedra do Sal and at Largo de São Francisco da Prainha. “(…) houses of zungus dish made by Afro-Brazilians near Pedra do Sal, that is a custom that is conserved, is a type of food for which the way of preparation is transferred from generation to generation, and with time suffered some adaptation; from a traditional slave dish now is sold in barracks for everyone that wishes to taste it. D. Zilla, slave descendent, continues making the type of seam that she learned from her mother and that in January of 2012 were exposed at IPN (Pretos Novos Institute).” (VALADAO, p. 90). Apart from some organizations connected with Afri-can practices, it is still possible to find some traces left of the presence of slaves in the area. Valongo’s and Imperatriz wharf represent the arrival and the trade of the Africans. Pretos Novos cemetery shows the unworthy treatment given to mortal remains of the African captives. The Largo do Deposito, was the area where they used to sell the slaves, the Valongos garden symbolizes an attempt to erase the slave traf-fic, in its surroundings there were fattening houses and a big commercial system related to slavery. Pedra do Sal was a place of resistance, celebration and gath-ering. And finally, the Cultural Center José Bonifácio is

the biggest center of African culture in Latin America. With requalification of the old Port area called Porto Maravilha, having 80% finished in 2016, a great por-tion of those tangible heritage elements of African presence is already protected by national laws, but now they receive a bigger attention. It was created a path of African History and Archaeology Heritage, which includes the landmarks reported above. These sites have received official signalizations as a herit-age site and a historical brief. Apart from that, there are guided visits and activities to its propagation. The old Port of the city, besides being a place of symbolic fights and resistance, is considered an area of memory and live history of Rio de Janeiro’s city. Their districts present an architectural set dating from XVIII century and beginning of XIX century, with historical values that represent important historical moments of the country. It is a place of historical and cultural heritage, which is protected by IPHAN1 _{and municipal legislation.}

IMAGE 31 IMAGE 32

1. Abbreviation for National Institute of Historic and Artistic Heritage. It is a federal agency that is respon-sible for the preservation of Brazilian tangible and intangible heritage.

Image 33

Little girl in Valongo’s Hill., picture from 2010. Image 34

Group of residents from Valongo’s Hill, picture from 2010.

Image 35

Capoeira circle on Valongo’s wharf, picture from 2013 Image 36

Musician on a capoeira circle on Valongo’s wharf, pic-ture taken on 2013.

Image 37

IMAGE 36

IMAGE 33

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1.4 Celebration of African Heritage: historical and archeological path

The Urban Operation called Porto Maravilha has as its purpose the recognition of cultural heritage, requalifica-tion of urban spaces, better accessibility and economical reactivation, that is, infrastructure, residence, pleasure, commerce and industries. Focusing on the cultural as-pect of the project, new cultural equipment was con-structed in the old Port area of the city, like the Museum of Art of Rio de Janeiro (MAR), the Tomorrow Museum and an Aquarium for the city (AcquaRio). Besides that, the houses of Conceição Hill, which were protected by mu-nicipal law, were recuperated. In this study, special atten-tion will be given to the creaatten-tion of the African Historical and Archaeological Heritage Path.

This Path celebrates the memory and histories of a place that had too much pain, suffer and death coexisting with music, dance, life, happiness and faith. In it is included Valongo’s wharf, Pedra do Sal, Valongo’s garden, Largo do deposito, Pretos Novos Institute and Cultural Center José Bonifácio. All of these architectural landmarks will be presented in more detail further on.

_Valongo’s wharf

Rephrasing what has been said before, Valongo’s wharf used to receive, for many years, the captives coming from Africa, establishing the slavery trade system in its surrounding. The presence of this wharf in this part of the city will be the pith for the African character and identity that the area will have over the years. In 1843, this wharf is landed for the construction of Imperatriz wharf, for the arrival of Tereza Cristina de Bourbon, wife to be of Dom Pedro II. This wasn’t only a work for the local embellishment where the napolitan princess would land, but also a measure to try to hide one piece of history that the authorities wanted to erase. After that, between 1904 and 1910, a big land-ing is done for the construction of the Port for the city, which also covered Imperatriz wharf, moving the water away from Valongo/Imperatriz wharf.

In 2010, when city hall of Rio de Janeiro started with the necessary urban interventions for the implantation of Porto Maravilha project, Valongo’s wharf is uncov-ered and IPHAN starts with archaeological researches to scale the degree of preservation of the wharf and the artefacts found there. After studies, the federal government, due to the historical, cultural and above all, symbolic value, decided to leave it open for popular contemplation as a factual symbol of African diaspora. About its symbolic meaning, in the proposal document produced to inscribe Valongo’s wharf in the world her-itage list of UNESCO, it is transcripted one statement made by Prof. Tania Andrade Lima, that follows. “Valongo exhales oppression, intolerance, discrimi-nation, inequality at its extreme. The place evokes a heavy and oppressor past, whom the consequences can be felt until today and it will still, be felt for a

long time in Brazil. For this reason it stimulates reflex-ion and inspire social consciousness, which favours its transformation in place of civic dialog, engagement… In our point of view, its strength and symbolic power can be in service of afro-descendants militance causes against social, politic and economic inequality (…)

In this circumstances, the materiality of the mistakes brought into light by the archaeological site of Valongo, constitute a constant alert and a permanent complaint, in a way that direct confrontation with the violence there practiced stimulate, in the present, a sense of social jus-tice. Valongo is a symbol of a past that can’t be repeated in human history and its public exposition, as place of reflexion and memory, can contribute to inspire the tol-erance and respect of the differences.” (2016:26-27) Because of the rediscover of this wharf, an intense de-bate was performed between scholars, public manag-ers and community leadmanag-ers, which led to the creation, by Rio de Janeiro city hall, of the Afrcan Historical and Acheological Heritage Path. The exposition of this herit-age to the community brought to its surroundings other cultural groups and manifestations connected with Af-rican heritage, like the “Dock Washing” ritual of AfAf-rican religion origin that occurs annually every first Saturday of July.

“Uncountable commercial, cultural and religious ac-tivities, like capoeira circles and the symbolic washing of the dock took place. The washing ritual arise with the incentive of the archaeological coordinator, Tania Andrade Lima, which recognized the symbolic force of the place, and invited priestesses of African religions to meet and evaluate the archaeological site. At that time the Mães de Santo, how they are known in Brazil, got emotional to see the artefacts found with the ex-cavation and agreed that the history of that place had a huge spiritual weight and that would be important to realize a ritual to relieve the load of pain and fear that marked the place. In this way, they performed a rit-ual of cleaning, purification and tribute to the spirits of the African ancestors, which has crossed this entrance for the American lands.” (2016:82)

Today Valongo’s Dock is inscribed in UNESCO’S world heritage list. According to the representative of UN-ESCO’s Brazil, Marlova Jovchelovitch Noleto, “Valongo’s warth has archaeological, historical and cultural value and it brings memories of one moment of history that can’t be repeated ever again, and because of that needs to be remembered. Its international recognition stands out one important moment for the construction of Americans nations.”

IMAGE 38

Image 38

Architetural Plan from the archeological site Cais do Valongo (Valongo’s wharf).

Image 39

View towards the archeological site. Image 40 and 41

Detail of Valongo’s wharf stone paving. Image 42

IMAGE 40

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From the archaeological findings, there were many iron artefacts that prove the slaves’ capacity towards metallurgy, some everyday instruments like spear-heads, rings, necklaces that were used as their canoni-cals. Some artefacts made of earth like smoking pipes, shells and porcelain. The obituary report proves that many of them were buried with beads at their necks, _Pretos Novos Institute

In XVII century the burial of slaves, indigent and poor people used to be done near the Castelo Hill at the back of Santa Casa de Misericórdia hospital. However, when Valongo’s wharf was created, and the slaves started to land at Valongo’s beach, it was created one cemetery dedicated only for the burial of the newcomers slaves, called Pretos Novos. This new equipment for the city was installed at the Cemitério road, which after started to be called Harmonia road, and today is Pedro Ernesto road. With the end of slavery, together with the attempt to hide the marks left by the slavery and the successive urban modifications in the area, the cemetery is buried, and it was only rediscovered in 1996.

This cemetery reappeared when the owners of the house at Pedro Ernesto road, number 36, started making a renovation in their house. During the works the ma-sons started to dig and realized that together with the earth something else was been digged out, it was human bones. The city hall was called, and after some archaeo-logical studies they came to the conclusion that it was the Cemetery of Pretos Novos, for which, due to the city development, they didn’t know its exact location. Today this place became an Institute governed by the owner of the house Dona Merced, that receives help from private and public organizations.

According to some researches, this cemetery received a huge quantity of African captives from 1824 to 1830. Some database indicates, that around 6000 corpses were buried in a space measuring approximately 110 square meters, being 60% men, 30% women and 10% teens and children. In the book of obituary of Freguesia de Santa Rita, it is possible to find their place of origin, owners, age and the stamp they used to receive when they boarded at the Tumbeiro’s1 _{ship. The newcomer captives were called}

Pretos Novos or Bossais, once adapted to the new society they started to be called Ladinos, and the ones born in Brazil were called Crioulos.

IMAGE 43

IMAGE 44

1. Name given to the ships that used to transport the slaved Africans from Africa to the Americas. Image 43 and 44

Pictures taken during the refurbishment of the house at Pedro Ernesto road.

which served to distinguish ethnicity or social position. Studying the bones, around 5.563 pieces, indicated that many of them had burning marks, which confirms some travel report that said that the corps were burned due the big quantity of people to be buried. The way in which the slaves were buried, is exposed at the institute, they had their bones broken and huddled together, in order to fit more quantity of bodies at the pits.

The IPN is characterized as a memorial museum, and its mission is to research, investigate and to preserve the memory of the history and the African and Afro-Brazilian culture. The museum supports educational projects, academic researches that contribute with historiogra-phy, archaeology or any other investigations linked with slavery. The institute works as a research core, memorial museum and cultural core. It promotes speeches, history workshops for scholars, students and general public, or-ganizes cultural events of music, dance and plastics arts. The art gallery Pretos Novos exposes to the public works of art that approaches the Afro-Brazilian subject. The Institute also maintains a traveling exhibition with the findings of the cemetery that goes to schools, markets and other places.

The bones found at the archaeological site Pretos Novos testify of a terrible crime against humanity that was the transatlantic slavery trade and the African enslavement

in the New World. These findings offer an important materiality to the crimes related to the African slavery trade.

“About the archaeological site Cemetery Pretos Novos, it is a place that marks the symbolic violence, because for the slaves, according to their beliefs it is a misfor-tune to be buried without any religious rituals. How-ever, their corps were huddled waiting to be burned. Their symbolic representation is of great value, not only for the history of the city but also for people of the society that identify with the promotion of racial and social equality in Brazil.” (VALADAO, p. 96) In this Institute the memories don’t stay cristalyzed, the space is not only used to keep, protect and expose those memories to the visitors. IPN, how it is called, uses the memory to transform and construct a new future for this ethnical group.

IMAGE 45 IMAGE 46

Image 45

Iron marker to stamp the slaves skin. Image 46

Same of the signals impressed at the stamps. With them it is possible to know the identification of the slaves owners.

Image 47

Scheme of how the dead slaves were buried. Image 48

Picture of a woman slaved african skeleton that can be found at the institute.

Image 49

“Washing”the Institute, religious celebration to honour the spirits of the buried slaves.

Image 50 and 51

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