Scholars wives, textile workers and female scholars' work : historical perspectives on working women's lives

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EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE, FLORENCE

DEPARTMENT O F HISTORY AND CIVILIZATION

E U I W O R K I N G P A P E R No. 86/231

SCHOLARS’ WIVES, TEXTILE WORKERS AND FEMALE SCHOLARS’ W ORK

HISTORICAL PERSP1 S ON

WORKING WOMEN’S LIVES

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J ■

by

w o n

ni ^

Gisela Bock

(Paper presented to the Workshop on “Working Women’s Lives” 12 November 1985, Department of History and Civilization,

European University Institute)

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(C) Gisela Bock

Printed in Italy in June 1986 European University Institute

Badia Fiesolana 1-50016 San Domenico (FI)

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Scholars' Wives, Textile Workers and Female Scholars' Work:

Historical Perspectives on Working Women's Lives

Gisela Bock

(Paper presented to the workshop on "Working Women's Lives", 12 November 1985, Department of History and Civilization, European University Institute)

I.

"Woman's place is in the history books," proclaimed

Anne Firor Scott in 1979.'*' However, until recently this

was, in the bulk of historiography, true only for the final ("last but not least") section of scholars' acknowledgments: "But without Margaret X. who suffered in ways well known to scholars' wives, the proofreading would have been inter

minable and the publication considerably delayed", or:

"I want to thank my wife for valuable counsel from first

to last; without her self-sacrifice, patience and ever

present sense of humour this book could not have been 2

written."

Obviously, though surreptitiously, such gratitude

refers to an important aspect of working women's lives: housework, a kind of work on which not only most scholars'

happiness, but also their achievements, largely depend;

which is often conceived not as work but as love; which is unpaid but secures - though in an unstable way - the

support of supporting women. Recent efforts to rewrite

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history by including not only men's but also women's expe rience in and of history have underlined the need for a redefinition, from the perspective of women, of many current historical and social categories. Among them were the concepts of "women's work" and "working women", which should include

the historical significance and change not only of paid,

but also of unpaid, work, In fact, it was estimated that

at present 90 % of the unpaid work of the world is done

by women and that, correspondingly, women's share of the

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income derived from work is far inferior to men's. The

history of working women's lives is to a large degree the history of female housework.

Despite the current and common invisibility of such

women's work, various scholars, mostly economists and

sociologists between the 1880s and the 1930s, have noted it. They attributed to it a high individual, social and

economic value based not only on its achievements, but

precisely on its lack of remuneration. One example is Lorenz von Stein who, in 1886, dedicated his book Die Frau auf dem Gebiete der Nationalokonomie to his "V^irehrte Freundin!" His investigation intended to counteract "eine der merkwurdig-

sten Erscheinungen unseres Jahrhunderts, dies Loslosen

der Frau vom Mann, dies Gefuhl der Selbstandigkeit". To the women who claimed "to be valued according to their value" he demonstrated the value of women's housework ("Arbeit der Liebe") to their husbands, starting from his own expe rience: "Ich kann freudig in den Tod gehen, wo es das Hochste gilt; aber - und das Triviale mit seiner kalten Stirn wird

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furchtbar ernst, wenn ich ihm in das herzlose Auge zu schauen

den Muth habe - ich kann diese Begeisterung und diesen

Muth nicht fiinfundzwanzig Jahre in meiner Arbeit aufrecht

halten, wenn ich nirgends eine freundliche Stelle finde,

auf welcher mit der Verzehrung zugleich ein wohlthuender GenuG entgegenkommt, wenn Haus und Bett und Tisch und Kleidung,

ungemuthlich und unsauber, mir taglich ihre erkaltenden

Tropfen in den gliihenden Becher meiner begeisterten Arbeit

gieGen..." He underlined that "der Mensch (meaning, as

is often the case in the German language, "der Mann"),

der in ewig neuer Thatigkeit sich bewegt, kann nicht ohne

Ordnung sein... Wer aber soli ihm., . . in der Herstellung

der Ordnung f ür Zeit und Raum seines Hauses helfen?" Of

course not "der Mensch" : "An der Schwelle dieses Hauses

aber steht die Frau. Ich weiG wohl, was ich dort von ihr

erwarte; ich weiG, daG ihre weiche Hand mir die Stirn glattet. und daG die Arbeit an mich kein Recht mehr hat... Und diese Arbeit der Frau ist es, die in ihren tausend kleinen Miihen und Aufgaben doch wieder eins ist, unendlich wie das Le'oen selbst, aber zuletzt der Werth aller Werthe,die ich gewonnen haben mag." As an economist, he stressed not just the emotio

nal but also the financial value of female work to men:

"Und wenn ich nun vom Gefiihle zum Verstande iibergehe, so

wird aus dem was freundlich ist, etwas, was mir mit jedem

Jahre mehr auch seinen wirthschaf tlichen Werth enthvillt...

Nehmen Sie einen Augenblick den Stift zur Hand - ... Und

daG das in zehn Jahren einige hundert Millionen gibt, urn die wir reicher sind, wenn die Frau des Hauses in wirthschaft- lichem Sinne Hausfrau ist?... Sie lacheln? Ja, es ist auch

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liber die Sache nachdenken. . ." The results of this thinking

were indeed all but "comical"; he concluded that the

essential task of housework consisted in administrating

that part of the husband's income - and, according

to social class, the lack of it - which was to be used for the household: "Kochen ist in erster Linie rechnen, in zweiter wieder rechnen, und rechnen in dritter Linie. Kochen kann jeder, der es bezahlen kann; daB ich (i.e.

the woman) das konne, ist die Hauptsache." Therefore

he sustained that "das erste und absolute Prinzip aller

Arbeit der Frau das Festhalten an der Summe in der

Hauswirthschaft ist, welche der Mann der Frau geben

kann. Eine Frau, die an diesem Prinzipe noch zweifelt

Oder in - verzeihen Sie mir das harte Wort -

verbrecheri-schem Leichtsinn es verletzt. verdient nicht den hoch

ehrenwerthen Namen einer Frau. " Precisely for all its

value, women's work is "nicht zahlbar und meBbar, und

doch erreichbar, nicht bezahlbar und kauflich. und

doch so unschatzbar", and the author questioned seriously

the opinion that "es der Liebe und der Achtung vor

unseren Frauen Eintrag thut, wenn man ihnen beweist

daB sie uns nicht bloG unendlich theuer, sondern daB

sie uns auBerdem auch noch mindestens tausend Millionen, zu sechs Prozent berechnet werth sind."

In his GrundriB der allgemeinen Volkswirtschaftslehre Gustav Schmoller continued to think about the matter

and expressed his gratitude to "Meiner teuren Frau

Lucie, dem Stolze und dem Gliicke meines Lebens, der

treuen Gefahrtin meiner Arbeiten". Later on in the

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-book he specified: "Die Gattin, die dem Manne das Mahl bereitet, ihm abends die Stirn glattet, die Kinder vorfiihrt,

wird dienend zur Gl lick spendenden Herrscherin ihres Hauses..

(Sie) waltet in Kiiche, Keller und Kammer, sie reinigt

und flickt, stelli liberali im Hause wieder Ordnung her.

führt den kleinen Kampf gegen Staub und Verderbnis und

erhalt so alien Besitz, alle Gerate, alle Mobilien sehr

viel langere Zeit, sie kann mit demselben Einkommen das

Doppelte schaffen, wenn sie ihr Budget richtig einzuteilen,

wenn sie mit Waren- und Menschenkenntnis einzukaufen

versteht, wenn sie die notigen kleinen chemischen, techni-schen und Kiichenkenntnisse hat... Was macht die Arbeit billig und gut? DaB sie mit Liebe fur Mann und Kind, fur das eigenste Interesse erfolgt, daB sie nicht bezahlt

und gebucht wird, daB dabei nicht gerechnet wird." The

essence of the unpaid work done by women of all classes has been seen in the wise administration and the stretching of the husband's income, conceived as - particularly in relation to poor women - "die kleine Sozialpolitik" compared

to the "groBe Sozialpolitik" of wage rises and social

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security for male workers. Some generations after Lorenz

von Stein, there was less "Lacheln" about scholarly thinking on the subject of housework, just as the "Stirn glatten"

gave way to more prosaic descriptions: "Die Frau findet

in der unmittelbaren Fiihrung der Haushaltungsgeschafte

die in der Regel ihr am meisten zusagende und zugleich

die wirtschaftlich fruchtbarste und niitzlichste Wirksam- 7 keit. © The Author(s). European University Institute. version produced by the EUI Library in 2020. Available Open Access on Cadmus, European University Institute Research Repository.

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As female housework changes over time, so does scholars' awareness and acknowledgment of it. Two generations later, at a time of renewed doubts about women's proper work and increased access of women to scholarly work, husbands might choose to praise different kinds of female support,

such as the author of a book on slaves: "My wife, to

whom this book is dedicated, did not type the manuscript, do my research, darn my socks, or do those other wonderful

things one reads about in acknowledgments to someone

'without whom this book could not have been written'. Nor did she work so hard on this book that she deserves to be listed as co-author. She did, however, take time from writing her doctoral dissertation to criticize each draft, review painstakingly the materials, help me rewrite

awkward sections and rethink awkward formulations, and

offer countless suggestions, corrections, and revisions.

And while under the pressure that anyone who has written a dissertation will readily appreciate, she made an immeasur able if intangible contribution to the writing of this

g

book by living it with me.”

II.

In the past decade, mostly female scholars have

dealt with historical continuity and change in the forms, contents and perceptions of housework, with differences in housework according to class or, rather, to the husband's income, with the relations between paid and unpaid work

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of women, with differences in cultural context and cultural 9 meaning of women's work inside and outside the home. It has been shown that behind the image of the middle-class "lady of leisure" of the turn of the century there was a daily life of work which, moreover, included the effort to keep such work invisible: German "middle-class wives were to appear idle, and by their apparent non-involvement

with housework they were to demonstrate and symbolize

the social status of their husband."1(3 Other authors

have argued that for a variety of reasons - such as,

e.g., rising standards of cleanliness, of childraising

and of support to husbands, or a process that has been called "emotionalization" of housework - the mechanization

of the household since the 1920s has hardly diminished

women's working hours in the home."*'"*' The investigation

of housework has led to looking at the family not just

as a unit of mutual interest and complementary dependence but as a workplace for one sex and a place of rest for

the other; as a locus not (only) of harmony but also

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of (potential) conflict; not just as a division of

labor between the sexes but also a gender-determined

division of independence and leisure, wealth and welfare, decision-making and power;13 it has questioned the familiar

dichotomies and contrapositions of "work and family"

(since both are workplaces for women), "production and

reproduction", "public and private".

Women's working lives have rather been a daily continu um and interaction of work inside and outside the home,

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particularly so in the case of working women's lives in the more restricted sense of the term, i.e. employed women, or - even more restricted - employed working-class women. Many of them worked outside the home out of necessity,

often for the mere survival of their families, as for

instance most of the German textile workers who in 1928

responded to a women union's appeal to describe Mein

Arbeitstag - Mein Wochenende■ For them, the workday started long before the factory whistle blew and was not finished after the shift nor at the weekend. "Meine tagliche Arbeits-

zeit in Haushalt und Fabrik betragt 16 bis 18 Stunden.

Unsere Familie zahlt funf erwachsene Kopfe im Alter von

15, 17, 19, 42 und 44 Jahren. Friihmorgens 4.30 ist die

Nacht vorbei; dann ist es hochste Zeit, mich anzukleiden,

zu waschen und das Fruhstuck den anderen zu besorgen

und alles zu wecken, denn 5.15 Uhr heiGt es nach dem

Betrieb zu gehen, da ich 45 Minuten bestimmt laufen m u G .

Urn 6 Uhr beginnt die Arbeitszeit im Betrieb. Ich arbeite

in einer Tuchfabrik und zwar in der Zwirnerei. Zuspatkommen darf im Betrieb nicht vorkommen. Wir arbeiten in Schichten von 6 bis 14 Uhr und von 14 bis 22 Uhr. Arbeite ich in der Vormittagsschicht, so geht von 14 Uhr die hausliche

Arbeit an. Ich muG dann auf dem Wege von der Fabrik bis

nach Hause die Einkaufe selbst besorgen, so daG es dann meistens schon 16 Uhr ist ehe ich im Heim bin. Hier angekom- men geht es sofort hurtig weiter. Das Mittagessen ist zu kochen;denn der Ehemann und die Kinder haben auch bald

Feierabend. In der Zeit von 18 bis 19 Uhr halten wir

unseren Mittagstisch. Nachdem und wahrend der Zeit, wo

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das Mittagessen kocht, werden andere hausliche Arbeiten

verrichtet. Bei der Nachmittagsschicht kommt hinzu, daB

ich an drei Vormittagen neben der hauslichen Arbeit die Wasche fur die Familie waschen m u B . Wir wohnen in einer Siedlung und haben noch zwei Garten; die erfordern ebenfalls vom Friihjahr bis zum Herbst nicht wenig Arbeit. Von meinem

Mann kann ich dabei sehr wenig unterstiitzt werden. Er

verrichtet in einer Hutfabrik schwere Arbeit und ist

14 abends sehr abgespannt."

Der Verlouf d e l A rb e it iia g e i einer Textilarbeiterin in bildlidier Daritellung

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Not too much had changed when the Women's Office

of the Deutsche Arbeitsfront, the Nazi surrogate for

a union, made a similar investigation in 1936, the results of which were to be kept strictly secret (no wonder after their promises that women should have the right to be

employed but would not need to go out to work for mere

survival of their families ). Almost a third of the

respondents, blue and white collar workers, declared

they had no "Freizeit", and very few had three hours

during the week and on Sunday. "Ich habe durchschnittlich 16 Stunden am Tage Arbeitszeit. Ich habe keine Lust und kein Interesse fur irgend eine Veranstaltung (they were asked to join the leisure time activities organized by

the party and regularly declined). Dazu bin ich viel

zu miide. Auch der Sonntag bringt mir keine Abwechslung, da muB ich die Wohnung sauber machen, die Kleidung der Kinder und des Mannes iiberholen. Die einzige Abwechslung, die ich seit 15 Jahren gehabt habe, war die Geburt eines Kindes und eine 14-tagige Krankheit. Ich habe garnichts von meinem Leben. Nun habe ich mich aber daran gewohnt."

III.

After a decade of historical investigation of

women1 s activities in and around the home, some of the

initially underlying questions have changed: instead

of concentrating on proving "that housework was better or more degrading than other kinds of labor done by men",

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historians now ask what light these investigations may

cast "on mentalities, social behavior, and political

questions". Such historical research is, however, much

older than it may seem today: feminist and female scholars, 16

including historians , in the 19th and early 20th century

dealt with women's domestic work and they often demanded that its value be included in the gross national product.

Rathe Schirmacher, a merchant's daughter who preferred

to live not with a man but with women and who was one of the earliest German women to receive a doctorate (in 1895), soon afterwards began her work on Die Frauenarbeit im Hause, ihre okonomische, rechtliche und soziale Wertung:

"Wenn die Nationalokonomie von 'Frauenarbeit' spricht,

so versteht sie darunter fast ausschlieBlich die Fabrik-

und Werkstattenarbeit der Frauen. Die Frauenarbeit im

Hause wird meist mit einer kurzen Analyse abgetan, die den nicht produktiven Charakter der hauslichen Frauenarbeit betont. Die Frau im Hause, heiBt es, konsumiert Werte,

verteilt Werte, schafft » aber keine Werte. Ich beeile

mich hinzuzusetzen, daB letzteres unrichtig ist." She

described at length women's work in the household ("Sie sind, je nachdem, Dienstmadchen und Kochin, Wirtschafterin,

Schneiderin, Wascherin, Tapezierer, Maler, Dekorateur,

etc."), for the husband ("Die hausliche Frauenarbeit

ist die conditio sine qua non der auBerhauslichen Berufsar- beit des Mannes") and for the children ("Gibt es endlich

eine 'produktivere Arbeit' als die der Mutter? Ist es

nicht die Mutter, die ganz allein den Wert aller Werte, den denkenden und handelnden Wert aufbaut, den man ein

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Menschenwesen nennt?"). She insisted on calling it "real work" even though "it may look like nothing", and added: "Ich muB gegen diese Ausbeutung der Hausfrau und Mutter

protestieren, sie ist ebenso ungerecht, verhangnisvoll

und unmoralisch wie die der Arbeiterin." She questioned the justice of women being supported not by their own,

but by male income and the appearance "daB der Mann für

zwei arbeitet, wâhrend er doch nur für zwei einstreicht".

Like many others among the more radical minori ty of the

women's movement in Western countries around the turn

of the century, she demanded "eine Umwertung bestehender

Werte", and, more precisely, payment for housework in

order to end women's economic and sexual dependency

17 on m e n .

Helene Stocker, a single woman, admirer of (a reinter

preted) Nietzsche, advocate of "free love" and one of

those who called themselves "the radicals" within the

women's movement, and Henriette Furth, a Jewish woman,

economist, mother of eight children und advocate of marriage reform (so that the woman "hort auf, Haussklavin zu sein,

und wird daf ür zur Herrin. . . Sie hôrt auf, nur Gebârerin

zu sein, und wird dafür zur wirklichen Mutter'' ), joined

in the demand for the acknowledgment of the ideal and

economic value of housework. Fürth underlined that this

would also lead to improvements in the wages and work conditions of women employed in domestic service, which

was then the numerically most important women's job.

She argued for a specifically historic consideration

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of the changes in housework over time: "Es ist eigentümlich, wie wenig wir von uns selbst wissen, von dem Weg, der zu uns hinfiihrt... Dieses Nichtwissen ist daran schuld, daB Zeit- für Ewigkeitswerte, voriibergehende Erscheinungen für Dauerzustânde gehalten werden." Like some historians

today, she saw housework not as the "traditional" role

of women, but as a product of the 18th and 19th centuries:

"Die Beschrânkung des Tâtigkeitsgebietes der Hausfrau

auf die reine Hauswirtschaft und daneben auf die Reprasenta-tion des Hauses, das ist also auf die Dreiheit von Kinder,

Kiiche und Konversation, setzte erst in dem Augenblicke

ein, in dem mit den Umwalzungen innerhalb der

Produktions-technik, Oder wie es uns gelâufiger ist, mit dem Siegeszug

der Maschine die GroBindustrie aufkam... Auch der immer

wieder proklamierte und fast zum Axiom erhobene Satz,

daB die Frau ins Haus gehore, ist erst für eine vergleichs-weise neue und heute schon wieder in weitem Umfang der

18 Vergangenhext angehorende Zeit zustandig."

Likewise, Marianne Weber, wife of the better-known

Max, commented, in 1912, on the still current "slogan"

of "wages for housework". She concluded, however, that

not its economic, but its "ideal" or "cultural" réévalua tion was to be approved of, especially "since every instinct

and consciousness of the specific significance of the

domestic profession rebels at the material measuring

of achievements which cannot be considered market commodi

ties and which, being 'labor of love', are literally

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immeasurable." During the 1920s, when the "slogan"

had lost its attraction, the need for at least an "ideal"

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réévaluation of housework was often stressed by women, including those who now placed their hopes for relief from domestic drudgery in the new possibilities of rationa lizing and mechanizing housework. One of them came to the conclusion that "the strongest obstacle to technologi cal development in the household is the lack of value of women's domestic labor, since it makes the introduction of labor-saving machinery appear unprofitable."^

Female housework tended to expand during the economic crisis of the early 1930's, in relation to the period before as well as in relation to the work of unemployed

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men, as has been shown by the sociologist Marie Jahoda in a study of a town where both men and women had been employed as textile workers. In 1931, such men suffered

from too much time, from doing nothing, hanging out

in the streets, while the women suffered from overwork for their families, who had to live on less income (e.g. poor relief) than before: "Die Frauen sind nur verdienstlos,

nicht arbeitslos-Am strengsten Wortsinn geworden... Der

Tag ist für die Frauen von Arbeit erfüllt: Sie kochen

und scheuern, sie flicken und versorgen die Kinder,

sie rechnen und iiberlegen und haben nur wenig MuBe neben

ihrer Hausarbeit, die in dieser Zeit eingeschrânkter

Unterhaltsmittel doppelt schwierig ist... Doppelt verlâuft

die Zeit in Marienthal, anders den Frauen und anders

den Mannern... So grundverschieden ist die Zeitverwendung

bei Mannern und Frauen, daB man für sie nicht einmal

dieselben Kategorien aufstellen konnte." In the history

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of working women's lives, not only the experience of work but also the experience of time - of history itself may be different from that of men, and it requires new and more complex historiographical categories than the traditional ones. © The Author(s). European University Institute. version produced by the EUI Library in 2020. Available Open Access on Cadmus, European University Institute Research Repository.

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(1) Anne Firor-Scott, "Woman's Place is in the History Books" (1979), repr. in: id.. Making the Invisible Woman Visible, Urbana, 111., 1984,pp. 361ff. On the subject of the invisibi lity of women's activities see, e.g., id., "On Seeing and Not Seeing: A Case of Historical Invisibility", in:

Journal of American History 71 (1984), p. 7-21.

(2) Cf. Marylin Hoder-Salmon, "Collecting Scholars' Wives", in: Feminist Studies 4/3 (1978), p p . 107-114.

(3) See, e.g., Nona Glazer-Malbin, "Housework: A Review Essay", in: SIGNS. Journal of Women in Culture And Society 1 (1976), p p . 905-922; Ann Oakley, Woman's Work : The Housewife, Past and Present, New York 1974; Gerda Lerner, The Majority Finds Its Past : Placing Women in History, New York/Oxford 1979, esp. pp. 129-144 ("Just a Housewife"); Gisela Bock/Barbara Duden,

"Arbeit aus Liebe - Liebe als Arbeit: Zur Entstehung der Haus- arbeit im Kapitalismus", in: Frauen und Wissenschaft, Berlin 1977, p p . 118-199. A related conceptual change was to conceive gender (gender systems, gender relations, the relation between the sexes, sexual stratification) not as a "biological", but as a social category: cf. Joan Kelly, "The Social Relations of the Sexes: Methodological Implications of Women's History", in: SIGNS 1 (1976), p p . 809-824; Susan Carol Rogers, "Woman's Place A Critical Review of Anthropological Theory", in: Comparative Studies in Society and History 20 (1978), p p . 123-162.

(4) International Labor Organization data, quoted in: Hilda Scott, Working Your Way To the Bottom: The Feminization of Poverty, London 1984, p. 3.

(5) Lorenz von^Stein, Die Frau auf dem Gebiete der Nationalokonomie Stuttgart 1886, p p . 98-99, 111; for this use of "Mensch"

in contrast to "Frau" cf., e.g., p. 137. The previous quotes: p p . V, 7-8, 144, 48-49; the following quotes: p p . 94-95,

112-114, 84-85, 67, 117.

(6) This was the formula used by a German expert on poor relief in 1889, quoted in: Gerda Thornieport, Studien zur Frauenbildung, Weinheim/Basel 1979, p. 131; cf. Gustav Schmoller, GruijdriB der Allgemeinen Volkswirtschaftslehre (1900), Leipzig 1901, pp. 249-252.

4 (7) Handworterbuch der Staatswissenschaften, vo l . 5, Jena 1923,

p. 161, art. "Haushaltung". © The Author(s). European University Institute. version produced by the EUI Library in 2020. Available Open Access on Cadmus, European University Institute Research

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(8) Eugene D. Genovese, Roll Jordan Roll. The World the Slaves Made, New York 1974, p. XXIf.; for the scholarly work of this scholar's wife see Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, "Placing Women's History in History", in : New Left Review 133

(1982) ; another important overview is Olwen Huften|Joan W. Scott, "Women in History", in : Past and Present 101

(1983) , pp. 125-157.

(9) For the latter cf. Lyndal Roper, "Housework and Livelihood", in: German History 2 (1985), p p . 3-9, who explores this sub ject for 16th-century Augsburg and deals with some of the older and newer cultural definitions of housework.

(10) Sibylle Meyer, "Die rauhsame Arbeit des demonstrativen MuBig- gangs: Ober die hauslichen Pfli-'hten der Beamtenfrauen im

Kaiserreich", in: Frauen suchen ihre Geschichte. Historische

Studien zum 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, ed. Karin Hausen,

p. 172; cf. id., Das Theater mit der Hausarbeit : Btirgerliche Representation in der Familie der wilhelminischen Zeit, Frankfurt a.M.|New York 1982; for a similar view on British middle-class women see Patricia Branca, "Image and Reality: The Myth of the Idle Victorian Woman", in: Clio's Conscious ness Raised: Hew Perspectives on the History of 'Women, ed. Mary S. Hartman/Lois Banner, New York 1974, p p . 179-191.

(11) Ruth Schwartz Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of

Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave ,

New York (Basic Books) 1986; Susan Strasser, Never Done :

A History of American Housework, New York 1982; Joann Vanek, "Time Spent in Housework", in: Scientific American (Nov. 1974), pp. 116-120.

(12) Heidi I. Hartmann, "The Family as the Locus of Gender, Class and Political Struggle: The Example of Housework", in:

SIGNS 6/3 (1981), pp. 366-394.

(13) E.g. Bock/Duden (note 3).

(14) Mein Arbeitstag - Mein Wochenende : 150 Berichte von Textil- arbeiterinnen, ed. by Arbeiterinnensekretariat des Deutschen Textilarbeiterverbands, Berlin 1930, pp. 145, 224.

(15) This was the content of the Nazi propaganda campaign in rela tion to women for the election of November 1932, when for the first time a larger number of women voted for the NSDA?

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are in : Bundesarchiv Koblenz, NS 5 1/3-4. Cf. Dôrte Winkler, Frauenarbeit im "Dritten Reich" , Hamburg 1977.

(16) See Bonnie G. Smith, "The Contribution of Women to Modern Historiography in Great Britain, France, and the United States, 1750-1940", in : American Historical Review 89

(1984), p p . 709-752; the quotes in the previous sentence are from p. 730; on p. 715 the author rightly points out that women historians today have been less fascinated than their predecessors with women's intellectual work. Cf. also Kathryn Kish Sklar, "American Female Historians in Context", 1770-1930, in: Feminist Studies 3/1-2 (1975/6), pp. 171-184; Natalie Zemon Davis, "Gender and Genre: Women as Historical Writers, 1400-1820", in: Beyond Their Sex. Learned Women of the European Past, ed. Patricia Labalme, New York 1980, pp. 153-182.

(17) Kathe Schirmacher, Die Frauenarbeit im Hause, ifare okonomische, rechtliche und soziale Wertung (1905), Leipzig 1912, p p . 3-8, 11; for the "radicals" see, e.g., Feministische Studien 3/1 (1984): "Die Radikalen der alten Frauenbewegung".

(18) Henriette Fürth, Die Hausfrau, München 1914, p p . 35-42; for comparable hypotheses see Bock/Duden (note 3) and Thornieport

(note 6). For Helene Stocker see Feministische Studien (note 17). (19) Marianne Weber, "Zur Frage der Bewertung der Hausfrauenarbeit"

(1912), in: id., Frauenfragen und Frauengedanken, Tübingen 1919, p. 89.

(20) Erna Meyer, Der neue Haushalt , Stuttgart 1926, p. 294.

(21) Marie Jahoda/Paul F. Lazarsfeld/Hans Zeisel, Die Arbeitslosen

von Marienthal, Leipzig 1933, repr. Allensbach/Bonn 1960 und

Frankfurt a.M. 1975. The investigation of the lives of the Marienthal women was done by Marie Jahoda and other women. The following quotes are from p p . 84, 89 f.

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1 4

PUBLIC A T I O N S OF THE E U R O P E A N U N I V E R S I T Y INSTITUTE Jun e 1986

8 5 / 1 9 1 : Patr i c k KENIS Industrial R e s t r u c t u r i n g The Case of the Chemical Fibre Industry in Europe *

8 5 / 1 9 2 : Luc i a FERR A N T E L a Sessu a l i t à come Ricorsa. Donne Davanti al Foro Arcivescovile* di B o l o g n a (sec. XVII) *

8 5 / 1 9 3 : F e d e r i c o ROMERO Postwar R e conversion Strat e g i e s of A m e r i c a n and West e r n European Labor *

8 5 / 1 9 4 : D o m e n i c o Mar i o NUTI The Share Economy P l a u s i b i l i t y and V i a b i l i t y of W e i t z m a n ' s Model *

8 5 / 1 9 5 : P i e r r e D E H E Z and J e a n - P a u l FITOUSSI

Wage Indexation and Ma c r o e c o n o m i c F l uctuations

8 5 / 1 9 6 : W e r n e r H I L D E N B R A N D A Prob l e m in D e m a n d Aggregation: Per Cap i t a Demand as a F u n c t i o n o f Per Capi t a expenditure

8 5 / 1 9 7 : Thomas RAISER The Theory o f Enter p r i s e Law and the H a r m o n i z a t i o n of the Rules on the Annual Accounts and on C o n s o l i d a t e d Acco u n t s in the Euro p e a n C o m m u n i t i e s *

85/398 : W i l l BARTL E T T / M i l i c a U V A L I C B i b liography on L a b o u r - M a n a g e d F i r m s and Employee p a r t i c i p a t i o n * 8 5 / 1 9 9 : R i c h a r d T. G R I F F I T H S Al a n S. MIL W A R D

The Bey e n Plan and the European Political Commu n i t y

8 5 / 2 0 0 : D o m e n i c o M a r i o NUTI Hid d e n and R e p r e s s e d Inflation in S o viet-type Economies: Definitions, M e a surements and S t a b i l i s a t i o n

8 5 / 2 0 1 : E r n e s t o S CREPANTI A model of the p o l i t i c a l - e c o n o m i c cycle in c entrally p l a n n e d e c o n o m i e s *

8 5 / 2 0 2 : J o s e p h H.H. WEILER The Evolu t i o n o f M e c h a n i s m s and Institutions for a Euro p e a n F o r e i g n Policy: Reflec t i o n s on the I nteraction of Law and P o l i t i c s *

8 5 / 2 0 3 : J o s e p h H.H. W E I L E R The European Court, National Courts and R eferences for P r e l i m i n a r y Ruli n g s - The Paradox of Success: A

Revis i o n i s t V i e w o f Article 177 EEC. *

8 6 / 2 0 4 : B r u n o P. F. WANR O O I J Prog r e s s w i t h o u t Change

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8 6 / 2 0 5 : A n t o n i o M U T T I , N i c o l ò ADDARIO, Paolo SEGATTI

The Ambig u i t i e s of M o d e r n i z a t i o n in Fasc i s t Italy *

THE O R G A N I S A T I O N OF BUSI N E S S INTERESTS The Case o f the Italian Textile and Clot h i n g Industry *

8 6 / 2 0 6 :Volker DEVILLE Biblio g r a p h y on The European Monetary S y s t e m and the Euro p e a n Curr e n c y Unit

8 6 / 2 0 7 : G u n t h e r TEUBNER G e s e l l s c h a f t s o r d n u n g durch Ges e t z g e b u n g s l & r m ?

Au t o p o i e t i s c h e G e s c h l o s s e n h e i t als Problem fur die R e c h t s s e t z u n g *

8 6 / 2 0 8 : P . Niki f o r o s DI A M A N D O U R O S / Pilar RIVILLA/ J o a q u i n LOPEZ NOVO/ Huri TURSAN/ Phili p p e C. S CHMITTER A Bi b l i o g r a p h i c a l Essay on S o u t h e r n Europe and its r e c e n t Trans i t i o n to Political Democ r a c y

8 6 / 2 0 9 : Rena u d DEHOUSSE E Pluribus Unum?

Eléments de c o n f é d é r a l i sme dans les relat i o n s extér i e u r e s des Etats fédéraux *

8 6 / 2 1 0 : Paul i n e JACKSON Industri a l i s a t i o n and R e productive Rights *

86/211 : G u n t h e r TEUBNER Hyper z y k l u s in Rec h t und Organisation: zum V e r h â l t n i s vo n Selbstbe o b a c h t u n g , S e l b s t k o n s t i t u t i o n und A utopoiese

8 6 / 2 1 2 : Emil CLAASSEN an d M e l v y n KRAU S S

Bud g e t Defi c i t s and the E x c h a n g e Rate

8 6 / 2 1 3 : G u n t h e r TEUBNER Autopoiese im Recht:

Zum Verhâ l t n i s von E v o l u t i o n und Steuerung im R e c h t s s y s t e m x

8 6 / 2 1 4 : A l b e r t CHILOSI The Right to E m p l o y m e n t P r i n c i p l e and S e l f - M a r k e t Socialism: A Historical A c c o u n t an d an A n alytical Appr a i s a l of some Old Ideas by Alberto Chilosi

8 6 / 2 1 5 : R u g g e r o RANIERI Italy and the S c h u m a n Plan Negoti a t i o n s

8 6 / 2 1 6 : D i a n a PINTO The Presence of an Absence:

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16

P U B L I C A T I O N S OF THE E U R O P E A N U N I V E R S I T Y INSTITUTE Ju n e 1986

The Ambi g u i t y of the Ameri c a n Reference in the F r e n c h and Italian Intellectual Renewal of the Late 1950's

86/217: M i c h e l a NACCI U n ' I m m a g i n e della modernità:

L ' A m e r i c a in F r a n c i a negli Anni Tre n t a

86/218: E m i l - M a r i a CLAA S S E N The O p t i m u m Mone t a r y Constitution: Mone t a r y I n tegration and Monetary Stability

8 6 / 2 1 9 : S t u a r t WOOLF The Domes t i c Eco n o m y o f the Poor of Flor e n c e in the Ear l y N i n e t e e n t h Century

8 6 / 2 2 0 : Raul MERZA R I O Il Capita l i s m o nelle Montagne L'evo l u z i o n e delle strutture famigliari nel com a s c o dura n t e la pri m a fase di i n d u s t r i a l i z z a z i o n e (1746-1811)

8 6 / 2 2 1 : A lain DRO U A R D R elations et Reac t i o n s des Scie n c e s Sociales " F r ançaises" Face Au x Scie n c e s Soci a l e s "Américaines"

8 6 / 2 2 2 : E d m u n d PHE L P S Econ o m i e E q u i l i b r i u m an d Oth e r Economic Concepts: A "New Pal grave" Qua r t e t

8 6 / 2 2 3 : G i u l i a n o FERRARI BRA V O Economic Diplomacy: The K e y n e s - C u n o Affa i r

8 6 / 2 2 4 : J e a n - M i c h e l GRAN D M O N T S t a b i l i s i n g C o m p e t i t i v e Busin e s s Cycles

8 6 / 2 2 5 : D o n a l d GEO R G E Wage-Earners' I n v e s t m e n t Funds: Theory, Simul a t i o n and Policy

8 6 / 2 2 6 : J e a n - P i e r r e Cava i l l è Le P olitique Révo q u é

Notes sur le stat u t du p o l i t i q u e dans la philo s o p h i e de Desc a r t e s

8 6 / 2 2 7 : D o m e n i c o Mar i o NUTI Michal K a l e c k i ' s Co n t r i b u t i o n s to the Theo r y and P r a c t i c e of S o c i a l i s t Plan n i n g

8 6 / 2 2 8 : D o m e n i c o Mar i o NUTI Codetermination, Pr o f i t - S h a r i n g and Full E m p l o y m e n t © The Author(s). European University Institute. version produced by the EUI Library in 2020. Available Open Access on Cadmus, European University Institute Research Repository.

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8 6 / 2 2 9 :Marcello DE C E C C O Currency, C o i n a g e and the Gold Standard

8 6 / 2 3 0 rRosemarie F L E I T H E N D e t e r m i n a n t s of Labour M i g r a t i o n in an E n l a r g e d E u r o p e a n C o m m u n i t y

8 6 / 2 3 1 :Gisela BOCK Scholar s ' W i v e s , Text i l e W o r k e r s and Fem a l e Scholars' Work: Histo r i c a l P e r s p e c t i v e s o n W o r k i n g W o m e n ' s Lives

8 6 / 2 3 2 : Saul E S T R I N and Derek C. Jones

Ar e there life cyc l e s in l a b o r - m a n a g e d firms? Evide n c e for France

86/233:Andr e a s F A B R I T I U S Parent and S u b s i d i a r y C o r p o r a t i o n s under U.S. Law - A F u n c t i o n a l Analysis of D i s r e g a r d C r i t e r i a

8 6 / 2 3 4 :Niklas LUHM A N N C l o s u r e and Openness: O n R e a l i t y in the W o r l d of Law 86/235: A l a i n SUPIOT D e l e g a l i s a t i o n and N o r m a l i s a t i o n © The Author(s). European University Institute. version produced by the EUI Library in 2020. Available Open Access on Cadmus, European University Institute Research

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