Tesi di Laurea Magistrale in Architettura
Scuola: Architettura Urbanistica Ingegneria delle Costruzioni
Indiizzo: E12 - Architecture
Autore: Giulia AlbertiMatricola n: 874362 Relatore: Ermes Invernizzi
Archipelago Marvila
cultural and landscape path to enhance the local
ENG
Abstract
The Marvila district is located in the eastern part of Lisbon, between the historic centre and the area of the Expo 98. It is characterized by social housing buildings dated 1960/70 and a variety of urban voids where spontaneous and lush vegetation grows, by an irregular terrain morphology and marked by overlapped historical heritage and identity: the rural and agricultural memory represented by the Quintas buildings (Lisbon nobility’s holiday houses), the conventual and monastic patrimony and the industrial and productive heritage. The district, inhabited by low-income classes, lacks in the quality of public space and it is poorly connected with the rest of the city as it manifests an important unevenness in urban planning.
This thesis aims to enhance and safeguard the natural environment and the places of local memory, preserving them from speculation, degradation and abandonment, creating a new local identity among the inhabitants of Marvila. The urban strategy involves two macro phases: the protection of green areas and the enhancement of the local memory. The first phase involves the action of local administrative authorities: the purpose is to widen the boundaries of the Bela Vista Urban Park, integrating the surrounding green and agricultural areas, thus giving life to a new urban green lung. The second phase involves the local heritage composed of buildings (Quintas, convents and industries) and old streets (Azinhagas), often in an advance state of decay or neglected. The actions required at this phase are map-making, the assignment of a new function and their connection through a cultural path. The process aims to actively involve the community and associations of citizens in the design process.
The goal is to activate the ruins and their surroundings transforming them into an urban-hubs capable of educating to a renewed sense of community through different typological approaches and multi scales interventions, following the approach of Tactical Urbanism. The architectural heritage identification and connection through the historical road network, create a cultural path in the rural-agricultural-industrial landscape which enhance and narrates the local history, both to the Marvilense population, both visitors interested in a Lisbon that is not found in tourist guides, but for this reason no less interesting and meaningful.
Il distretto di Marvila è situato nella parte Orientale di Lisbona, tra il centro storico e l’area dell’Expo 98. L’area è caratterizzata da costruzioni di residenza popolare risalenti agli anni 60/70, da numerosi vuoti urbani conquistati da una vegetazione spontanea e rigogliosa, da un morfologia del territorio irregolare e contrassegnato da un sovrapporsi di memorie e identità: la più antica è quella rurale delle Quintas (abitazioni di villeggiatura della nobiltà Lisboeta), quella successiva conventuale e monastica, sostituita nello scorso secolo da una industriale e produttiva. Marvila , abitata da una popolazione costituita da classi a basso e medio reddito, risulta carente nella qualità dello spazio pubblico e mal collegata con il resto della città a causa di un’importante disomogeneità tra la pianificazione urbana a scala cittadina e quella locale.
L’obiettivo di questa tesi è la valorizzazione e la salvaguardia dello spazio naturale e dei luoghi della memoria locale, preservandoli dalla speculazione edilizia, dal degrado e dall’abbandono, creando una nuova identità locale tra gli abitanti di Marvila. Tale strategia prevede due macro fasi: la la protezione delle aree verdi e la valorizzazione della memoria locale.
La prima fase coinvolge le autorità amministrative locali: il proposito è quello di ampliare i confini del Parco Urbano di Bela Vista, integrando le circostanti aree verdi spontanee e quelle di natura agricola, dando così vita ad un nuovo grande polmone verde.
La seconda fase comporta la valorizzazione della memoria architettonica locale (Quintas, conventi e industrie) e dell’antica rete stadale (Azinhagas), spesso in forte stato di degrado o abbandono. Il processo progettuale mira a coinvolgere attivamente la comunità e le associazioni rappresentanti dei cittadini.
L’obiettivo è quello di attivare la rovina e lo spazio che la circonda, transformandoli in hubs urbani capaci di educare ad un rinnovato senso di comunità, attraverso interventi di scale e tipologie differenti, seguendo la strategia definita con il termine Tactical Urbanism. L’identificazione dell’eredità architettonica e la riconnessione della rete stradale storica, crea un percorso culturale nel paesaggio rurale, agricolo e industriale, raccontandone e esaltandone la memoria locale, sia alla popolazione Marvilense, sia ai visitatori interessati ad una Lisbona che non si trova nelle guide turistiche, ma non per questo meno interessante e ricca.
Abstract ENG Abstract ITA Introduction ENG Introduction ITA Urban Plans Urban Analysis
Morphology and Urban Fabric
History
Urban Features
The Third Lascape Issues
Interviews Strategy
Activating and Connecting the Mavila Archipelago
Bela Vista Agriultural Park
Tactical Urbanism Landscape Classification Activation Tools
URBAN AGRICULTURE CENTRE AT QUINTA DAS CONCHAS
MIM - MIRADOURO INDUSTRIAL DE MARVILA
MARVILA ART CENTRE
MULTI[FUN]CTIONAL SQUARE MARVILA COMMUNITY CENTRE
Mapping and Activating theCentres
Connecting the Activated Centre through the Azinhagas
i iii 4 6 12 20 24 30 42 76 78 84 86 92 90 96 102 114 136 146 124 98 156 100 94
LISBOA
MARVILA
ARCHIPELAGO MARVILA
FUTURE SCENARIOS
PHOTO REPORT
11
27
74
66
50
B A B1 B2Lisboa
Digo: “Lisboa”
Quando atravesso – vinda do sul – o rio
E a cidade a que chego abre-se como se do seu nome nascesse
Abre-se e ergue-se em sua extensão noturna Em seu longo luzir de azul e rio
Em seu corpo amontoado de colinas – Vejo-a melhor porque a digo
Tudo se mostra melhor porque digo
Tudo mostra melhor o seu estar e a sua carência Porque digo
Lisboa com seu nome de ser e de não-ser Com seus meandros de espanto insónia e lata E seu secreto rebrilhar de coisa de teatro Seu conivente sorrir de intriga e máscara Enquanto o largo mar a Ocidente se dilata Lisboa oscilando como uma grande barca
Lisboa cruelmente construida ao longo da sua própria ausência
Digo o nome da cidade – Digo para ver
Sophia de Mello Breyner Andresen 1977
I say: “Lisbon” When I traverse - coming from the South - the river And the city to which I arrive opens itself as if it was
born from its name. It opens itself and props itself up in its nocturnal
extension in its long glimmer of blue and sea in its body mounted
by hills - I see it better because I say it. Everything presents itself better because
I say. Everything presents better its being and its dearth Because I say Lisbon with its name of being and not being with its meanders of shock insomnia and tin, and its secret sheen of a theater thing its conniving smile of intrigue and mask while the large sea the West expands itself.
Lisbon oscillating like a big barge. Lisbon cruelly constructed over its own absence. I say the name of the city -
O Guardador de Rebanhos, Poema XX
Alberto Caeiro (heterônimo de Fernando Pessoa) 1925
Pelo Tejo vai-se para o mundo. Para além do Tejo há a América
E a fortuna daqueles que a encontram. Ninguém nunca pensou no que há para além Do rio da minha aldeia.
O rio da minha aldeia não faz pensar em nada. Quem está ao pé dele está só ao pé dele.
By the Tagus one goes to the world. Beyond the Tagus there is America And the fortune of those who find it. No one ever thought of what’s beyond From the river of my village. The river in my village makes you think of
nothing. Whoever stands by him is only beside him.
Introduction
*
Lisbon can be described with many adjectives: the city of light, the sound of Fado, the seven hills where it is nestled, city of the Saudade, sad and cheerful at the same time. The feature which surely influenced more this capital city is the “three-dimensionality” of its landscape, creating an urban agglomerate composed by different overlapped layers, giving to the visitor the possibility to enjoy a magical scenario, made of panoramas towards the city and the Tagus. Geographically located in a remote position in the European continent, it lies on the delta’s banks of the Tagus river (Tejo), which, a few kilometres away, flows into the Atlantic Ocean towards South America. Thanks to its position, the history of Lisbon, Portugal and the entire Lusophone culture, is strictly connected to travels, discoveries and distant lands where the colonies where settled. Portugal borders with Spain and with the Atlantic Ocean, give to the city dozens of other hypothetical overseas borders and connections. The only mean of transport they needed was a ship and braveness to face the unknown. Indeed, it exists a Portuguese word that does not find a translation in other languages: “Saudade”. Its meaning is a deep emotional state of nostalgic or profound melancholic longing for an absent something or someone that one cares for and/or loves. Moreover, it often carries a repressed knowledge that the object of longing might never return. The feeling of distance and loss felt by the families of the Portuguese explorers who were going on overseas missions. Nowadays, Lisbon is a much more complex and stratified city. After facing a severe recession due to the economic crisis in 2008, which affected most of the southern European countries, it has been able to reinvent itself and implement strategically attractive policies addressed to foreign investors. The entry of external capital has given a renewed boost to the real estate market, triggering phenomena such as gentrification with all the positive and negative aspects that brings. The built-up urban area, often in conditions of high degradation, has been renovated and restored with the frequent purpose of tourism: in a few years the city has been invaded by hotels, hostels or homes converted to Airbnb (AL - Alojamento Local). This wave of interest in Lisbon by tourists from all over the world, thanks also to the convenient fear offered by low-cost airlines, has changed the city into a “Lusitan Venice”, which threatens to compromise its true essence and the typicality of the old town. Nowadays, the main themes spoken inside the several collectives and associations of inhabitants and activists in Lisbon is the right to the city, thrown into crisis by the wicked increase in house prices and rentals.ENG
Public demonstration for the right to the house and the city, final event fo the “Festival de HabitACÇÃO “organized by citizen association “Acçao pela Habitação” [ 29 September 2019, Rossio Square, Lisbon ].
The risk which is quickly becoming reality is to transform the historical centre in an urban phantom zone, or to deprive it of inhabiting function: emptied of true inhabitants, but populated only for short time by tourists, the thaberdasheries and groceries stores close down to give space to souvenir shops, new fancy bars and clubs, ethnic or luxury restaurants, etc... However, Lisbon is not the first city to face these kinds of problems due to the urge to face a neoliberalist and global economy. The modern sociology uses the term “Disneyfication”, which is the transformation of something to resemble the theme parks of the Walt Disney Company, with the unique aim to showmanship. The term is generally used negatively and implies the homogenization of consumption and merchandising, more broadly describes the processes of stripping a real place or an event from its original character and packaging in a sanitized format. The city thus becomes a stereotyped image of itself. What is considered “typical” it ends up being emptied of its meaning, taking the role of definition and description of the city as a consumer product recognizable and publicizable. City branding or Place branding, and the diffusion and promotion of certain characteristics belonging to a landscape or a place is considered positive and therefore attractive to create a brandable image. Territorial marketing creates in this way a paradox: the integration of the world economy has as a way to transform urban spaces through logics common to many world cities. This leads to homogenize typical urban characteristics and to smooth out the contrasts, making the typical features disappear. On the other side, the same process of creating the city as a brand necessarily implies a simplification of the message that you want to communicate and is counterproductive for the preservation and
the diversity of the landscape. Removing complexity and taking as fixed some features that characterize a certain place, excludes the possibility of change and evolution, inherent properties of the city nature. The urban conflicts which have contributed to the urban product, become incomprehensible and dangerous for the homologation and promotion purpose. Even the city becomes, despite us, a mass consumer product.
*
Lisbona può essere descritta da molti aggettivi e parole: la città della luce, il suono del Fado, le sette colline dove è adagiata, città della Saudade, triste e allegra allo stesso tempo. La caratteristica che sicuramente influenza maggiormente questa città è la tridimensionalità del suo paesaggio, la quale ha prodotto un agglomerato urbano composto da diversi livelli sovrapposti, dando al visitatore la possibilità di godere di uno scenario magico, fatto di panorami verso la città e il fiume Tago. Situata geograficamente in una posizione remota rispetto al continente europeo, si colloca sulle rive del delta del fiume Tago (Tejo), il quale, a pochi chilometri di distanza, sfocia nell’Oceano Atlantico in direzione del Sud America. Grazie alla sua posizione, la storia di Lisbona, del Portogallo e dell’intera cultura lusofona, è strettamente legata ai viaggi, alle scoperte di terre lontane dove stabilirono prospere colonie. Il Portogallo ha come unico confine terrestre quello con la Spagna, ma il più importante è quello con l’Oceano Atlantico, il quale dà alla città decine di altri ipotetici confini oltremare e collegamenti strategici. L’unico mezzo di trasporto di cui avevano bisogno era una nave e coraggio per affrontare l’ignoto. Proprio grazie a questa storia di viaggi verso l’orizzonte infinito dell’Oceano, esiste una parola portoghese che non trova una traduzione in altre lingue, “Saudade”. Il suo significato è un profondo stato emotivo di nostalgia o grande malinconia, la mancanza di un qualcosa/qualcuno che è assente e che si ama profondamente. Inoltre, spesso porta con sé una consapevolezza repressa che l’oggetto del desiderio non potrà mai tornare. La sensazione di lontananza e perdita avvertita dalle famiglie degli esploratori portoghesi che erano in missione all’estero. Oggi Lisbona è una città molto più complessa e ulteriormente stratificata. Dopo aver affrontato una grave recessione causata dalla crisi economica del 2008, che ha colpito la maggior parte dei paesi dell’Europa meridionale, è stata in grado di reinventarsi e attuare politiche strategicamente attraenti per i facoltosi investitori stranieri. L’ingresso di capitale esterno ha dato un nuovo impulso al mercato immobiliare, innescando fenomeni come la gentrificazione, con tutti gli aspetti positivi e negativi che implica. Il tessuto urbano e architettonico, spesso in condizioni di forte degrado, è stato rigenerato e riconvertito frequentemente ad una funzione legata al settore turistico: in pochi anni la città è stata invasa da alberghi, ostelli o abitazioni convertite ad Airbnb (AL - Alojamento Local). Questa ondata di interesse per Lisbona da parte di turisti provenienti da tutto il mondo, dovuta anche alle convenienti tariffe delle compagnie low cost, ha trasformato la città in una “Venezia lusitana”, che minaccia di compromettere la sua vera essenza e la tipicità del suo centro storico. Oggi i temi principali affrontati all’internoITA
Public demonstration for the right to the house and the city, final event fo the “Festival de HabitACÇÃO “organized by citizen association “Acçao pela Habitação” [ 29 September 2019, Avenida da Libertade, Lisbon ].
dei vari collettivi e associazioni di abitanti e attivisti a Lisbona è il diritto alla città, messo in crisi dallo scellerato aumento dei prezzi delle case e degli affitti. Il rischio che sta rapidamente diventando realtà è quello di trasformare il centro storico in una zona urbana fantasma, o di privarlo della funzione abitativa: svuotato dai veri abitanti, ma popolato solo per breve tempo dai turisti, le mercerie e in negozi di generi alimentari chiudono per dare spazio a negozi di souvenir, nuovi bar e club alla moda, ristoranti etnici o di lusso, ecc... Tuttavia, Lisbona non è la prima città ad affrontare tali problemi per la necessità di affrontare un’economia neoliberista e globale. La sociologia moderna utilizza il termine “Disneyfication”, che è la trasformazione di una città in qualcosa simile ai parchi a tema della Walt Disney Company, con unico scopo quello di intrattenere il visitatore. Il termine è generalmente usato negativamente implica l’omogeneizzazione del consumo e del merchandising, più in generale descrive il processo di spogliare un luogo reale o un evento dal suo carattere originale e l’imballaggio in un formato igienizzato. La città diventa così un’immagine stereotipata di sé stessa. Ciò che viene considerato tipico finisce per essere svuotato del suo significato, assumendo il ruolo di definizione e descrizione della città come prodotto di consumo riconoscibile e pubblicizzabile. Il branding urbano o Place branding, e la diffusione e la promozione di alcune caratteristiche appartenenti ad un paesaggio o ad un luogo è considerato positivo e quindi attraente per creare un’immagine di marca. Il marketing territoriale crea così un paradosso: l’integrazione dell’economia mondiale ha come modo di trasformare gli spazi urbani attraverso logiche comuni a molte città del mondo. Questo porta ad omogeneizzare le caratteristiche urbane tipiche e ad attenuare i contrasti, facendo scomparire
le caratteristiche tipiche. D’altra parte, lo stesso processo di creazione della città come marchio, implica necessariamente una semplificazione del messaggio che si vuole comunicare ed è controproducente per la conservazione e la diversità del paesaggio. Rimuovere la complessità e assumere come fisse alcune caratteristiche che caratterizzano un certo luogo, esclude la possibilità di cambiamento ed evoluzione, proprietà intrinseche della natura cittadina. I conflitti urbani che hanno contribuito al prodotto urbano, diventano incomprensibili e pericolosi ai fini dell’omologazione e della promozione. Anche la città diventa, nonostante noi, un prodotto di largo consumo.
L I S B O A
a r e a
100.05 km²population
( 2 0 1 7 ) capital city 5 0 5 , 5 2 6 u r b a n 2 , 8 0 0 , 0 0 0 m e t r o 2 , 8 2 7 , 5 1d e n s i t y
6 4 4 6 , 2 h a b . / k m ²PLANO GERAL DE URBANIZAÇÃO
E EXPANÇÃO DE LISBOA
PGUEL (Etienne de Groer)
1948
*
In 1938 Camera Municipal de Lisboa, under the presidency of Duarte Pacheco, hired the architect and urbanist Étienne de Gröer, who together with the municipal technical services, defined the main lines of development of the city. In 1948 the plan was completed and was approved by CML, although it had never had government approval. The main lines of force of the plan were:• creation of a radio centric road network from an axis built by Avenida A. Augusto de Aguiar and its extension to the road Lisbon-Porto;
• organise declining stocking densities from the centre to the periphery;
• creating an industrial zone in the eastern part of the city, associated with the port;
• construction of a bridge over the Tagus connecting Poço do Bispo-Montijo, linked to one of the circulars;
• build an international airport in the northern part of the city;
• create a park in Monsanto with about 900ha, and a green area around the city that would include the Monsanto Park and that would extend through the Loures valley to the Tagus river.
The main instrument of the plan was zoning, dividing the space into areas with different uses, to which specific legislation applied.
GABINETE DE ESTUDOS DE
URBANIZAÇÃO
GEU (Guimarães Lobato)
1959
*
In February 1954, the CML created the Office of Urbanization Studies (Gabinete de Estudos de Urbanização - GEU) to revise and update the 1948 Plan. The Lisbon Urbanization Masterplan (Plano Diretor de Urbanização de Lisboa - PDUL) of 1959 maintained most of the proposals of the previous plan, although it had introduced important changes and the construction of important infrastructures as:• the Bridge on the Tagus River from Alcântara to Almada;
• highway skirting the Monsanto Park (from Campolide to
Amadora);
• two highways, one to the north and one to the south, linked to the Bridge.
Urban plans
1967 1977
*
It was drawn up as a result of the need for an instrument to deal with the new urban situation, in particular the increase in car traffic, the start-up of the metro network, the construction of the bridge over the Tagus River and the beginning of the tertiarization process of the centre and the growth of the city’s outskirts. Following these results, CML decided to commission a revision of the PDUL by the architect and urbanist Meyer-Heine. The result was a plan focussed on the land-use regarding the entire area of the municipality, it has been drawing up between 1963 and 1967, but only published in 1977. The main guidelines of the PGUCL plan were:• Creation of two main axes, oriented north - south and linked to the motorway, passing through the airport;
• Creation of the Avenida
da Liberdade as a great monumental boulevard with motorway functions as decided in the previous PDUL, with the function to decongest the Baixa area and expel the traffic out of the centre;
• City division into “basic
planning units” Unidades de Ordenamento do Território.
PLANO GERAL DE URBANIZAÇÃO
DE LISBOA
PGUCL (Plano de Meyer - Heine)
1967-1977
PLANO ESTRATEGICO DE LISBOA
PEL
1992
*
The acceleration of urban transformations and social changes has deeply questioned the planning methods processes carried out during the 40/70’s. In 1990 the Camera Municipal de Lisboa approved the basis for the Strategic Plan and the Municipal Masterplan elaboration. This proposal has defined the guidelines for the new urban project and the priority objectives for the city of Lisbon. The Lisbon Strategic Plan (PEL) was approved in 1992 and constituted an important long-term instrument (ten years) to support the future decision-making process, aiming at establishing the instructions for municipal actions, with the city development as the main goal. Beginning with the discussion and highlighting the weaknesses and potentialities of the city, the PEL attempted to established as great strategic objectives:making Lisbon an attractive city to live and work in;• making Lisbon competitive in the European city systems;
• reaffirm Lisbon as the capital city in the country;
• create a modern, efficient and participatory administration.
These objectives aimed to profoundly transform the city and to rethink it in the future, presupposing the overcome of serious problems, as the housing issue, the urban infrastructure development and the upgrade of public spaces to improve the citizens’ quality of life. The main goal was to transform Lisbon in a modern city through a differentiated urban model acting in four territorial units arising from the specific problems and potential: I. the central area of Lisbon, City centre
and Lisbon Metropolitan area (AML); II. the urban hinge, directional and
tertiary area;
III. The transition area, periphery nature; IV. The riverfront area, try to connect
the city to the river without loose the portual area.
Lisbon, in the last decade, has undergone significant changes regarding sanitation infrastructure, road networks, green areas and collection of the urban solid waste system, the allocation of some collective equipment, including leisure facilities and, above all, the regeneration of the waterfront, happened in the Lisbon’s harbour and the eastern zone of the city, thanks to the World Exhibition occurred in 1998.
PLANO DIRETOR MUNICIPAL
PDM
1994
*
The 1994 Municipal Masterplan established the rules for the occupation, use and transformation of the municipal territory. It has been a fundamental support document for the urban administration and was thought to transform the concepts formulated in the previous urban plan of 1992 (PEL). Were considered the following concepts:• the model based on the four planning areas, defined in the PEL (1992);
• the implementation of the transport system;
• the development of tertiary activities;
• the green urban structure;
• the preservation of historical centre and built heritage contained in the municipal heritage charter.
The PMD regulation also tried to address the urban strategies for Lisbon defined in the previous plans:
• upgrading the housing system
throughout the city, and in particular in its central area;
• stabilisation of the consolidated urban fabric, with priority to the central area of the city;
• requalification of the functional/ tertiary structure and development of new centralities;
• the conversion of the eastern industrial area into an advanced industrial support services zone and the development of the Lisbon logistics platform;
• improving the environmental quality of Lisbon;
• develop the accessibility/mobility in the central area of the city.
It was primarily a plan reacting to the tertiarization suffered by the city in the last decades and after that was a classic
zoning plan which aimed to protect housing as a dominant function, reacting to the growth of the city through allotment operations. The 1994 PDM was a drop-down planning system to consolidate the city, which has initiated the first generation of urban rehabilitation policies: the delimitation of historic residential areas and the central historical area of the Baixa. Regarding the mobility, the PDM abandoned the idea of extending the central axis of the Avenida da Liberdade and maintained the radio centric circulation system since the De Groer Plan (1948). It created the green corridor connecting the Monsanto natural park with Eduardo VII and, for the first time, instituted the protection of environmental and landscape values, such as the view system and cultural assets, as the Municipal Heritage Charter, integrated with the PDM regulation (Municipal Heritage Inventory).
*
The process of working on a “Strategic Vision” for Lisbon was initiated in May 2002. It emerged as a follow-up to the previous urban plan, using the methodology and basic values of traditional strategic planning. It was decided to define objectively a reduced set of key-points which embodied the idea of the Strategic View for the city. Its elaboration involved economic and social actors, public and private, who selected some projects and their programs, in a context of shared leadership and established cooperation mechanisms between all. The plan systematized the urban processes for Lisbon, developed since 2002 and intended to be a forward-looking document in the decision making procedure for the local spatial planning and the urban development policies. The fundamental idea was the drafting of a document that would guarantee the coherence of the urban Lisbon’s development and the municipal policies. The Strategic Vision for Lisbon 2012 aimed to qualify and modernize the city and take it to the highest positions in the ranking of the best cities to live, work and invest. The planning interventions were based on strategic guidelines and actions covering various social, historical, cultural, environmental and economic themes and dynamics, technology, etc. From the definition of the key-points, the production of guidelines and the elaboration of practical measures and actions, aVISAO ESTRATEGICA
2012
CARTA ESTRATEGICA
2012-2024
*
The Lisbon Strategic Charter aims to answer to six main issues that the city is facing and which constitute the strategic challenges in the urban planning. The six strategic questions facing the future of the city are:• How to recover, rejuvenate and socially balance the population?
• How to make Lisbon a friendly, safe and inclusive city for everyone?
• How can Lisbon be an environmentally sustainable and energy-efficient city?
• How can Lisbon be transformed into an innovative, creative city capable of competing in a global context, generating wealth and employment?
• How can we affirm the identity of Lisbon in a globalised world?
• How to create an efficient, participatory and financially sustainable governance model?
*
The current Lisbon Masterplan (PDM) was established in August 2012 and it is the revision of the PDM 94’. The new plan aimed to achieve a territorial development strategy and to develop a city model. Rather than limiting private activity, itPLANO DIRETOR MUNICIPAL
PDM
2019
participatory methodology was adopted by the municipality through the promotion of several meetings and discussion forums related to the revision of the Municipal Masterplan.
seeks to guide and encourage behaviours suited to the public interest objectives. In this PDM, the proposals of the Strategic Charter 2010/2024 (Carta Estratégica 2010/2024), as well as the territorial articulation of the sectoral strategic objectives approved by the Municipal Assembly, were enshrined as a programmatic basis in the masterplan, in particular the local housing programme, the green plan, the education charter, the health equipment charter, the sports equipment charter and the strategic guidelines for social and childcare equipment. The 2012 PDM territorial development strategy is based on four main priorities:
• affirming Lisbon on global and national networks;
• regenerating the consolidated city;
• promoting the urban qualification;
• encouraging participation and improve the governance model.
These priorities were translated into seven major goals that will guide the development of the city until 2024:
• attracting more inhabitants;
• attracting more businesses and jobs;
• boosting urban rehabilitation;
• qualifying the public space;
• returning the riverside front to the people;
• promoting sustainable mobility;
• encouraging environmental efficiency. The densification of the strategic component of the PDM is also achieved through the delimitation of nine Planning and Management Operational Units (Unidades Operatives de Planeamento e Gestão - UOPG), which cover the entire municipal territory. For each UOPG, through its features, the Plan established specific
territorial development strategies adapted to the challenges faced in each city’s sector. On the other hand, the delimitation of the UOPG was part of the revision process of the Administrative Charter and the consequent decentralization of competences once operated in the neighbourhood administration (Junta de Freguesia). The current PDM recommends a mixture of functions in the urban fabric, trying to achieve equilibrium, minimizing displacements and strengthening the neighbourhood life. That is why it is a flexible plan in the regulation of the use of buildings, without losing the residential function, in contrast to the modernist’s idea of classical zoning, present in the 1994 version. In contrast with the various masterplans during the 20th Century, focused on the structuring of the city in growth, this PDM elects as the main instrument of urban policy urban rehabilitation, giving life to the Lisbon Urban Rehabilitation Strategy. In this perspective, the PDM extends the concept of historical area to the entire consolidated city, identifying the urban areas to be preserved, guiding interventions towards the protection of the cultural and environmental values in each city sector, regardless of their historical antiquity. The PDM breaks with the cascade planning system, which had been a blocking factor to structure or convert city’ areas, through the creation of Implementation Units.
1 2 3 SINTRA QUELUZ CASCAIS existing avenidas new connections railway parque de monsanto airport of lisbon lisbon in 1147 PORTO PORTO MONTIJO 1 3 2
The PDM strategy for the road network breaks with the radio-concentric model of the masterplan of 1948, and successively replicated in the later master plans. It introduced a grid structure, allowing to decongest the historical center and relieve the central axis of the city, to make feasible the requalification of the public space and the regeneration of the central urban areas. The adherence between the mobility and urban policy is reflected in the creation of urban polarities around well-served areas easily reachable with public transport, strongly oriented to the compaction, to the rehabilitation and urban regeneration and the creation of speed moderated zones, to protect residential neighbourhoods. The PDM promotes a continuous ecological structure, based on three macro structuring corridors, promotes the renaturalization and densification of the ecological structure in the valleys, linking the waterfront and inland areas through natural elements, as a way of adapting to climate change. On the other hand, it promotes greater protection and interaction between the natural heritage and the cultural heritage, safeguarding the city’s view system, the Geomonuments, the thermal waters of Alfama, the historical gardens, and introduces new categories within the cultural heritage: stores with history and industrial architecture.
Urban layout of the new Plano Director of Lisbon (2019)
floading-risk
enviromental risks earthquake-risk connections network
points of view and valley
Belem Ajuda Alcantara Benfica
Sao Domingos de Benfica Alvalade
Marvila
Areeiro Santo Antonio Santa Maria Maior Estrela Campo de Ourique Misericordia Arroios Beato Sao Vicente Avenidas Novas Penha da França Lumiar Carnide Santa Clara Olivais Campolide Parque das Naçoes
1 2 3 11 12 13 10 8 7 21 22 24 16 18 15 14 23 20 19 17 9 4 5 6 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24
neigborhoods
1 2 3 4 5 Praça do Comercio Marques do Pombal Braço da Prata Aeroporto Oriente 1 2 3 4 5Urban Analysis
*
Lisbon urban fabric is characterized by three main roads: two of them are starting from the city centre, called Baixa, and developing to the north, the third one siding the riverfront and connecting Lisbon with the other coastal cities. The Avenida da Liberdade, inspired by the french boulevard, was built in 1879 as part of the “Passeio Público” (Public Walk side) a park and a communitarian space where Portuguese nobility could meet and socialize; it marks the northward expansion of the city during the 19th century. The Avenida Almirante Reis, begins also from the Baixa and ends to the Airport, is distinguished by the presence of the Polytechnic University of Lisbon, by a residential and multicultural nature. The Marginal is running along the riverfront, connecting Belem, Alcantara, Praça do Comercio and Oriente. Two landmarks for the Portuguese capital are the two bri dges, the 25 April and the Vasco da Gama allowing a better way to cross the Tagus estuary and connecting Lisbon with Almada and Montijo. The administrative division of the city territory is organized into twenty-four neighbourhoods called “freguesia”, each of them managed by a “Junta da freguesia”.roma marvila santa apolonia santa apolonia rossio alcantara santos santos alcantara mar alcantara mar azambuja belém cascais setúbal sintra cais do sodré cais do sodré oriente moscavide braço da prata entrecampos
sete rioscampolide benfica
reboleira
rail network
Cais do Sodré - TelheirasFuture terminal: Pontinha Santa Apolónia - Amadora Este Rato - Odivelas Future terminal: Cais do Sodré
São Sebastião - Areoporto Future terminal: Campo de Ourique
metro lines
•
•
•
1 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 23 21 20 19 22 25 26 27 31 32 33 34 28 29 30 4 3 2
green areas
Parque Florestal de MonsantoParque Hortícola Rio Seco Hortas do Bairro 2 de Maio Tapada das Necessidades Hortas Quinta de Bela Flor Parque Hortícola da Amnistia Jardim Zoológico de Lisboa Jardim Fundação Gulbenkian Parque Eduardo VII Jardim da Estrela Jardim Botânico de Lisboa Jardim do Torel Jardim da Cerca de Graça Jardim de Alameda Parque Vinícola de Lisboa Parque Hortícola Vale de Chelas Parque Hortícola Vale Vistoso Parque Hortícola Vale Fundão Parque Hortícola Quinta das Flores Quinta Pedagógica dos Olivais
Parque Vale do Silêncio Parque Urbano dos Olivais Jardim do Cabeço das Rolas Jardim do Passeio dos Heróis do Mar Jardim do Campo Grande Parque das Quintas das Conchas
Parque Oeste Hortas da AVAAL Hortas Acessíveis AL Parque Hortícola Vale de Ameixoeira Hortas do Bairro Padre Cruz Parque Quinta das Carmelitas Parque Bensaúde Parque Hortícola Quinta da Granja
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34
2000 50 0 100 150 200
m
4000 6000 Monsanto Vale de Alcantara aMorphology and urban fabric
a
*
Lisbon lies on hills and it is characterized by irregular terrain morphology. Those natural features influenced the city’s urban development by preventing its development towards some directions, especially in areas where the ground is too steep and impervious, such as Alcantara and Chellas Valleys, the first located in the western side of Lisbon and the second one in the oriental part. Often crossed by large infrastructures, such as main roads, high ways or railways creating an even stronger barrier between the historical centre and the peripheral areas. Those suburbia neighbourhood are marked by high-density social residential complexes, interspersed with unused common areas, spontaneous green areas located next to the big infrastructure or in the proximity of abandoned buildings, often illegally occupied by residents with shacks constructed with waste materials and vegetable gardens.a
8000 10000 12000Vale de
Chelas Parque das Nações
Baixa
Castelo
Peregrinações em Lisboa
A póvoa urbana por aqui tardou. Fêz-se entre quintas e rincões onde, primeiro, foram os nobres e os frades a edificar, e logo o povo maneirinho, à sombra de uns e de outros […]. Vai entre um passado só de vestígios e um presente febril: as fábricas tomaram o lugar dos mosteiros […].
Por aqui – é assim. Hortas, quintas, jardins, herdades; fortificações, solares, ermidas e portas – foram sacrificadas à urbanização e aos cais acostáveis […]; E por Xabregas, Beato e Grilo – alfobre de mosteiros –, sítios onde as fábricas, os armazéns, os cais e as pontes se sucedem e confundem gritando trabalho […];
E pelo Poço do Bispo, com o seu bate-bate de arcos de aduelas, e por Marvila, ribamar entre hortas, que teima em subsistir;
E enfim, por esta área onde o eco do passado se afoga no tumulto ruidoso do resfolegar das máquinas, e onde o sino foi substituído pelo silvo das oficinas.
Norberto de Araújo 1939
The urban inhabitants around here took long time (to settle). It was done between farms and corners where, first, the nobles and the friars build, and soon the people did it as well, trying to hide themself among the other people[…]. Go among a past only of vestiges and a feverish present: factories took the place of monasteries […].
Here – it is so. Gardens, villas, farms; fortifications, manors, chapels and gates – were sacrificed to urbanization and berths […];
And by Xabregas, Beato and Grilo safe haven of monasteries –, places where factories, warehouses, docks and bridges follow each other and confuse cheering work […];
And by Poço do Bispo, with its bumping of arch voussoirs, and by Marvila, waterfront among gardens, who insists to survive;
And finally, through this area where the echo of the past drowns in the noisy tumult of the roaring machines, and where the bell was replaced by the offices.
Historical centre
Plan of Lisbon in 1835. As it is possile to notice Xabregas, Chelas and Marvila were omitted, while the west is included because of Belém. In fact at the beginning of the 19th century, the city of Lisbon “ended” in Saint Apolónia. [Archive Lisbon City Hall – Studio Mário Novais].
*
The adjective that best describes Marvila is“fragmentation”, which is presented to the visitor or inhabitant not only physically, formally and socially, but also characterizes the historical memory of the place. The story of Marvila, Chelas and Beato is the result of a stratification of different ages and functions, which in these territories have found a suitable home, thanks to their peripheral and urban nature, to the richness of empty sweeps and still without a certain destination, to the proximity with the railway and the industrial port. Following the Arab occupation of the city, the Marvila area became the seat of numerous religious orders, who founded and built their convents, monasteries and churches in these lands, attracted by the tranquillity, from the secluded location and lush1 2 10 11 3 5 4 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21
convents
Mosteiro de Santa Maria de Chelas Convento de Nossa Senhora da Conceição de Marvila Convento de São João Evangelista de Xabregas Convento de Santo Agostinho Convento de Nossa Senhora da Conceição do Monte Olivete Convento de Santa Maria de Jesus de Xabregas / São Francisco Convento de Madre de Deus Covento de Santos-o-Novo Convento de Nossa Senhora da Porciùncula Convento de São Conrélio Recolhimento de Nossa Senhora do Carmo Mosteiro de São Vicente de Fora Convento de Nossa Senhora da Graça Colégio de Santo Antão-o-Velho
Convento de Santa Mónica Convento do Menino Deus Hospício de São Rafael Seminário de São Patrício and Convento de Santo Elói Convento de Nossa Senhora do Rosário Convento de São Camilo de Lellis Convento de Corpus Christi
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21
quintas
1 2 11 12 6 3 4 15 16 8 5 9 10 13 14 7 19 18 17 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 Quinta dos Alfinetes / Quinta das FontesPalácio do Armador Quinta do Marquês de Abrantes Quinta de Marvila / Pátio de Marvila ou Colégio Pátio do Marialva Quita Levy ou Intendente Vila Pereira / Pátio Beirão Palácio da Mitra Quinta das Pintoras Quinta Airolas ou das Conchinhas / Pátio 26 Quinta das Conchas Vila Salgada / Pátio das Salgadinhas Quinta do São Pedro dos Peixes Quinta da Bela Vista Quinta do Alfenim Quinta do Desterro Quinta da Matinha Quinta do Guilherme Quartel da GNR 1:40000
Engraving of the former Xabregas tobacco factory, which was installed in the building of the ancient Xabregas Convent and existed until the 1960s. [Arquivo Municipal de Lisboa – Estúdio Mário Novais].
nature. A goal subsequently coveted also by the nobility of Lisbon, who built their holiday homes there, called Palacios or Quintas de Recreio, frequently surrounded by agricultural fields, gardens or a small village of houses intended for servitude. Following the abolition of religious orders in Portugal (1834), the buildings first passed into the hands of the Portuguese State and then, as early as the following year, were sold to amortize the country’s public debt, allowing private investors and the Lyboeta bourgeoisie to purchase and rehabilitate them, modifying their function, often in commercial establishments or modern factories. Already at the beginning of the 19th century the expropriations for the construction of the railway (Caminho de Ferro) began, concluded in 1856, which connected the industrial area of Alcantara to Xabregas, but also the city with the suburbs, allowing
the displacement of large flows of people, principally and workers in the factories established here. In the 19th century, benefiting from the increasing production, increased commercial circulation and the diversification of sources of credit, the first factories began to emerge throughout Europe, initially composed of simple workshops. With the increase in urban population, due to migratory flows from rural areas, these new industrial sites began to grow and develop, being able to count on an almost unlimited source of labour. Although Portugal has never experienced a real industrial revolution, compared to countries such as England or Germany, by the end of the 18th century it entered an important production and commercial phase. Especially cities such as Lisbon, Porto, Aveiro, Braga, Setubal are transformed to accommodate modern factories. In the capital, it is above all the areas of Marvila, to East, and Alcantara, to West, to supply wide empty sweeps particularly suitable to the industrial production thanks to the proximity with infrastructures (the railroad and the port) and a high number of workers, offered by the migrant populations established here, from the Portuguese countryside in search of work and better living conditions. Between 1813 and 1822 the factories in Portugal doubled their number and consequently the presence of workers also increased: in 1830 there were 909 workers, while already in 1952 the number reached 5012 people. The new working class thus begins to
Residents of Quinta do Ferrão in Marvila, an informal settlement built inside the space of an old farm in the mid-twentieth century. [Arquivo Municipal de Lisboa – Vasco Gouveia de Figueiredo]
In 1852 there was an administrative reorganization of the Eastern zone and the construction of the circular road around the most central areas. Marvila is still part of the Municipality of Olivais, which was integrated into the municipality of Lisbon only in 1885.
historical streets
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 98 10 11 16 17 19 18 20 12 13 14 15 B A C D E A B C D E 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 Estrada de Chelas Estrada de Marvila Rua do Grilo / Rua do Beato Rua Vale Formoso Rua do Vale Formoso de Cima Azinhaga da Bela Vista / Teresinha Azinhaga Fonte do Louro Azinhaga Maruja / Armador Azinhaga Broma Calçada Perdigão Azinhaga Ferrão Azinhaga da Salgada Azinhaga do Planeta Rua de Cima de Chelas Azinhaga Veigas Azinhaga da Bruxa Rua José Relvas Beco dos Toucinheiros Beco da Horta das Canas Pátio Comendadeiras de Santos Azinhaga dos Alfinetes Rua José do Patrocínio (Azinhaga das Cadetas) Azinhaga Vale Fundao Azinhaga de Quinta do Alferim Azinhaga da Trocasettle in the countryside surrounding the new buildings of production and work. Since there are no sufficient subsidized rental houses and it is difficult to obtain the allocation of those not yet occupied, this situation led the new Lisboeta working class to build informal housing with recycled and makeshift materials, such as sheet metal or wood, obviously without sewer or toilet, running water and electricity, overcrowded and with precarious hygienic and sanitary conditions if not completely absent. In addition to the informal dwellings, since 1870, some industrialists and factory owners began to build villages of small buildings built around a common space, normally a private way later transformed into Patio, for the workers of their own companies. Villa Pereira is a particular example: located in Rua do Açùcar, it has the rare characteristic of having the production areas on the ground floor and the first
View of the Bairro Chinês, i the area next to the railway, in the end of 1960. [Arquivo pessoal de Mário Pinto Coelho]
4 5 6 7 1 2 3 11 8 9 10 14 13 12
industrial fabric
Companhia de Fiação e Tecidos Lisbonense Fábrica de Tabaco de Xabregas Fábrica de Fiação e Tecidos Oriental Manutenção Militar- Padaria Militar A Nacional - Cerealis Antiga Fábrica do Sabão Fábrica da Pólvora de Chelas Fábrica de Borracha Luso-Belga Fábrica de Cortiça Sociedade Nacional de Fósforos Sociedade Comercial Abel Pereira da Fonseca Fábrica de Material de Guerra Braço de Prata A Tabaqueira Fábrica de Gás da Matinha - Antiga Refinaria GALP
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
A street of the Bairro Chinês, in Marvila, in the end of 60’s [Arquivo fotográfico do CPS da Prodac].
floor the houses for its workers. The difficulty of finding a house at an affordable price in Lisbon leads to the rapid and increasing rise of Bairros de Lata, or real favelas, often self-constructed overnight, taking advantage of the existing walls of the former conventual buildings and the ancient nobiliary Villas. The best known were the Bairro, located on the patio of the Quinta do Marques de Abrantês, called Patio do colégio, and the Bairro Chinês, both built and developed between 1940 and 1970. It was only with the Portuguese Republic that the foundations were laid for the first social housing programmes in Lisbon. The failure of housing policies can be attributed to the lack of interest from private investors, while in the next phase, under the dictatorial power of Salazar and his New State, It will be above all a problem of formal and ideological incompatibility: the regime favoured a model of a single-family economic house, which led to the favour of
areas
I O N2 N1 M L 2 2 5 4 J Aras of ChelasBairro dos Loios - 1976 Bairro da Flamenga - 1978 Bairro das Amendoeiras - 1966 Bairro do Armador - 1992 Bairro do Condado - 1970 Bairro dos Alfinetes - 1980 Estação de Bela Vista - 2011
Other social neighbourhood
Bairro Prodac - 1971 Bairro das Olaias - 1994
Bairro Olivais Bairro Madre de Deus - 1938 Bairro de Alvalade - 1944 N2 N1 I M J L O 1 2 3 4 5
1 10 4 2 3 5 9 8 6 7
Parque da Bela Vista Parque da Bela Vista Sul Parque Urbano Vale da Montanha Parque Hortícola Vale de Chelas Parque Hortícola da Vinha Parque Hortícola do vale Fundão Parque Hortícola da Quinta das Flores Cemitério do Alto de São João Jardim de Alameda Parque José Gomes Ferreira
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
green spaces
1:40000the middle class, abandoning the model of collective popular house. In September 1933, 622 houses were built in Lisbon and the Western area of the Alto de Ajuda, high from Serafina and belém, no new dwellings in the Eastern part of the city. In 1938 the prefabricated Houses Program was born, which provided a temporary home for those citizens who were waiting for the assignment of a social housing house, The programme, however, left out the neediest and poor people. In 1945, this program was replaced by another Programme of Houses for Poor Families and the Affiliated Houses Programme, to also involve families with less economic possibilities and try to combat the proliferation of the Bairros de Lata, that is real slums. Two years later, in 1947, the municipality of Lisbon tried to involve private investors and entrepreneurs, which proved to be a failure, and in 1959, thanks to funding from the Social Assistance and the General Depository Bank, The Municipal Chamber began to expropriate unused land in order to have more land with the aim of building new houses. Even this
The SACOR refinery (GALP) in 1957 [https:// restosdecoleccao.blogspot.com].
latter program was not as successful as expected, the rents of the new housing could not compete with the share paid by the workers for their barrack. So, around 1950, in the capital there were about ten thousand barracks, excluding the formal houses in which lived up to four families. Already only ten years later, informal housing has increased by a thousand units, most of them without water or light, sheltering a total of 43470 people, about 5% of the population of Lisbon.
density
1:40000
The future of a city, in our specific case a capital city, is determined by a lot of different factors. Even the smaller change in the city menagement or a sudden event (natural or not) could produce milions of social, economical, urban, architectural outcomes. Sometimes and for someone, POSITIVE; sometimes and for someone else, NEGATIVE.
LISBON CONTINUES GROWING
IT industry and Web Summit*
Beato becomes a new central pole in the metropolitan area, specialized in technology and IT services, the ideal spot for Startups and Creative Hubs to settle in. As happened at the end of XVIII century, new workers from all over the world move to Lisbon creating a huge demand of housing, living spaces and services: private investors, with the participation of the Camera Municipal de Lisboa, activate competitions for young architects and designers to think and project the new residential neighbourhoods and the public spaces around: urge a new urban plan. The old residents are replaced by inhabitants from different backgrounds, countries and sometimes who don’t speak Portuguese, which brings difficulties creating a solid and locally connected social network and a real sense of community. The industrial and rural memory of Marvila risks to disappeared due to the strong pressure exerted by the real estate investors. Marvila is now the most fashionable spot in Lisbon, perfect scenario for gentrification actions. The old industrial architectural memories are occupied by artists andyoung creatives, who opens new art spaces and galleries.
40%
housing50%
working spaces10%
spontaneus green spaces • touristification/gentrification• new urban and architectural projects
• high density
• soil impermeabilization
• specialized workers populaton from other cties
• sqm price increases
• big infrstructure landscape
• increment of the traffic
• increment of pollution
• demolition of local heritage spots
• tourism and hospitality structures developes
• temporary residents
• standardization of the neighbourhood
THIRD TAGUS CROSSING
New productive pole*
Thanks to the new TTC crossing the river is easier, both by car or by public transportations. More and more people decide to move out from the city borders, preferring to settle on the south bench of the Tejo (Margem Sul), due to convenient houses’ prices, the possibility to buy an independent house with a garden, in relaxed place nearby beaches or nature. The new bridge links Lisbon to Madrid by high-speed trains, making an easier and faster connection with all Europe, not only for people and startups but even goods and technologies: new companies choose Marvila to establish offices, production or storage centres. Some of the historical streets and buildings are demolished and replaced by hotels or to create a new roads system able to connect the existing network with the bridge. Traffic jam, noise and pollution increase due to the multiplied number of people who “enters” in Lisbon through the TTC: private cars, public buses and peer-to-peer car services struggle to drive people to the city centre or other parts of the city. Hotels, hostels and new Airbnb appear leading on thestreets a new kind of population: tourists and visitors.
50%
housing30%
working spaces20%
spontaneus green spaces2
LISBON STOPS ITS GROWTH
Abandoned neighbourhood*
Lisbon economy stabilises and is no facing major changes. Marvila remains peripheral neighbourhood, mainly occupied by immigrant communities belonging to middle and lower classes, who prefer to move out of the city centre because of the high houses and rental prices. In particular the middle class, who animated the central city streets, now chose to sell their own homes, and making a profit out of them. The results are that in Marvila the new residents are people who don’t know the local history and who doesn’t belong to this neighbourhood. Due to the high and always growing request, a few other social housing buildings, occupying the empty spaces near public utilities. The spontaneous green spaces and the rural/industrial architectural heritage remain in a state of abandonment, making impossible to benefit them, indeed they increase the sense of carelessness and negligence by the municipal authorities and offer a perfect
scenario for illegal activities.
40%
housing10%
working spaces50%
spontaneus green spaces • fragmented territory• construction of new social housing
• new inhabitants composed by low-income classes and immigrants
• remoted area
• lack of connections with the city center
• dormitory neighbourhoods
• degradation and abandonment as the only identification quality
• ghetto and problematic area
3
LISBON’S BUBBLE EXPLODES
The toxic cloud*
Due to a highly toxic cloud from the U.S., Lisbon’s governanceis forced to proclaims the Emergency State. In particular, all the tourism-related industries and facilities close, a fundamental field for the Portuguese economy development. The government need to approve extraordinary measures to economically support the population, the companies and also to face the sanitary emergency. The web summit is moved to Korea, which uses some giant fan in order to send the toxic cloud away and protect his population. After the cloud, all Europe finds itself in a huge economical and humanitarian crisis: small and medium private investors, even from abroad, are unable to buy anything. The power is taken by fan producer companies, which start to invest and build production facilities next to capital cities, attracting people looking for a job and better living conditions. In Marvila, the empty areas are transformed in slums and illegal settlement, the inhabitants start to occupy green empty spaces to make private vegetable gardens and farms, as happened in the previous industrialisation phase. The few empty houses left in the existing buildings are occupied by homeless or evicted people, overcrowded and with very poor hygiene conditions. All Lisbon is handled by criminal organizations,
who ruled illegal traffic of gas masks and portable fans.
30%
housing5%
working spaces65%
spontaneus green spaces • low density• slums and illegal settlements
• population composed by low-income classes and immigrants
• disorganized occupation of the public land
• degradation and abandonment as the only identification quality
• transformation into a ghetto and problematic area
• high levels of criminality
ARCHIPELAGO
MARVILA
*
During the past half-century, urban development has eaten away the edges of cities, leaving ambiguous empty spaces. Those are part of the lived experience of humanity and for this reason, they deserve attention as spots of potential quality. Philip Lopate described that sprawling city as a smiling face with a lot of teeth missing. European cities are characterized to be denser in their historic centres, but on the periphery, the fabric of streets and buildings starts to fray. Here infrastructure prevails over buildings, areas dedicated to agriculture get bullied by new constructions or torn to pieces by fast roads and parking lots and transformed into useless and overgrown with weeds. These leftover spaces belong neither to a natural ecosystem nor to landscape design, are called by the French landscape designer Gilles Clément the “Third Landscape”. In his “Manifeste du Tiers Paysage” Clément give a name to an undefined kind of landscape, not-designed and without a specific function because it is not exploited by man. It can be differently characterized but it is always identified by fragmentation and discontinuity. The residual space is a previously exploited terrain which is now left abandoned and unused; the reservoir is a land difficult to reach because of the low accessibility level or for the transformation high costs; the primary landscape is distinguished by the integrity cause it has never been touched by the men’s action. The fragments that compose the Third Landscape can be all size but all of them are a refuge for biodiversity, that do not find a place elsewhere. In the rural environment, we can find a higher number of ThirdThird Landscape
Landscape’s spaces which are leftover spaces generated by the agricultural organization: higher terrain irregularity is, greater will be the number of undefined spaces. At the contrary, the urban area is poor of Third Landscape, the majority are lands which are going to be exploited and impermeabilized: lower is the urban fabric density, more residual space we will abe to find. However, the number of leftovers spaces are small in the city centre, increasing in the peripheral zones. The irregularity in the terrain morphology is an important factor which determines the biodiversity gradient, and then the presence of Third Landscape. It is important to safeguard the existence of residual spaces, to link them allowing the displacement of biodiversity, to maintain them untouched by men as a
Sketch by Gilles Clément, explaining the radio centric expansion of a city and the progressive diminution of Third Landscape areas.
future possibility for landscape evolution. Sketch by Gilles Clément, explaining the radiometric evolution of a city and the progressive diminution of Third Landscape areas.
An interesting way to act inside the extended territory of Marvila’s Third Landscape could be planning a series of “Spontaneous Interventions”. Taking inspiration by an exhibition occurred in U.S. Pavilion at the 13th International Venice Architecture Biennale (Fall 2012), which documents the nascent movement of designers acting on their own initiative to solve problematic urban situations, creating new opportunities and amenities for the public. Provisional, improvisational, guerrilla, unsolicited, tactical, temporary, informal, DIY, unplanned, participatory, opensource, these are just a few of the
words that have been used to describe this growing body of work.
Spontaneous Interventions frames an archive of compelling,
actionable strategies, ranging from urban farms to guerilla bike lanes, temporary architecture to poster campaigns, urban navigation apps to crowdsourced city planning. These efforts cut across boundaries, addressing architecture, landscape, infrastructure, and the digital universe, and run the gamut from symbolic to practical, physical to virtual, whimsical to serious. But they share an optimistic willingness to venture outside conventional practice and to deploy fresh tactics to make cities more sustainable, accessible, and inclusive.
Issues
east VS west
The map shows the location of the touristic spots: it is possible to notice how the distribution is mainly focused on the eastern side, in the direction of Belem and the city of Cascais, another important destination for people who visit Lisbon. Moreover, the Marvila district is completely lacking attractions points.
BELEM
AIRPORT
PRAÇA DO COMERICIO
a not so far land
Every circle in the map corresponds to 1.5 km as the crow flies: Marvila is closer than Belem or the Expo 98 area, but it is not attracting the same amount of people.
expo belem praça do comercio x
a broken promenade
Lisbon’s main square, Praça do Comércio, is located next to the river and it is enclosed by hills. The terrain morphology has been determinating in the city’s main streets locations, which are situated in the flatter part, usually taking advantage of the “valleys” in between the hills or of the riverfront. This last accommodates a 9 km bicycle and pedestrian path connecting the old town to the ocean coast to the East: Belem neighbourhood and, further on, Cascais and Praia do Guincho. The situation in the western side of the central square, after the São Jorge Castle hill and Alfama neighbourhood, is the opposite: the slow mobility path is interrupted after a few kilometres, the biggest obstacle is the port situated between Santa Apolonia train station and Xabregas.
