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The New Trade Wars. International Trade Theory as Social Science Fiction

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Europe and Beyond:

Boundaries, Barriers and Belonging

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Abstract Book | 14th ESA Conference | Europe and Beyond: Boundaries, Barriers and Belonging | 20-23 August 2019 | Manchester

(3)

Abstract Book | 14th ESA Conference | Europe and Beyond: Boundaries, Barriers and Belonging | 20-23 August 2019 | Manchester

3

14th ESA Conference | 20-23 August 2019 | Manchester | United Kingdom

54 Boulevard Raspail | Bureau A2-12 | 75006 | Paris | France SIRET | 484 990 825 00024

www.europeansociology.org

ISBN 978-2-9569087-0-8 | EAN 9782956908708 © European Sociological Association, November 2019

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Abstract Book | 14th ESA Conference | Europe and Beyond: Boundaries, Barriers and Belonging | 20-23 August 2019 | Manchester

RN06 | Critical Political Economy

165

The New Trade Wars. International

Trade Theory as Social Science Fiction

Ventrone, Oreste

Università degli studi di Napoli Federico II, Italy oreste.ventrone[at]gmail.com

One of the main tenets of Donald Trump's rhetoric in the US presidential campaign was the defence of US workers from globalization, either by bringing jobs back from abroad or preventing migrants from entering the country. Once in office, he soon adopted some classical protectionist measures which, a few years earlier, would have been considered completely unthinkable in the country that used to be the main sponsor for globalization. And Trump, albeit the most powerful, is not the first or the only politician to have recently reconsidered the virtues of protectionism. Indeed, the argument is an important element of the political discourse of the new wave of nationalist movements in Europe, brexiteers included. Inspired by the works of historical sociology and global political economy, this paper aims to analyse the recent literature on the subject, stressing the theoretical, methodological and historical deficiencies, as well as to offer suggestions for alternative research programs. While we recognise the appeal that these topics can exert in the electoral muscle flexing, the results of our analysis show how the eternal “liberalism vs protectionism” debate, while still very lively, is profoundly flawed at the theoretical level. Moreover, such debate appears largely anachronistic - at least since the development of transnational production networks as the most advanced form of manufacture in the 20th century - and cannot constitute the basis of any serious trade policy in the present world.

How Inequalities Affect The Stability

Of Urban Youths In Sidi Bouzid

(Tunisia)

Dutour, Julien

University of Versailles Saint Quentin, France julien.dutour[at]gmail.com

Sidi Bouzid is located in the center of Tunisia, at the heart of the governorate bearing the same name, a periphery dominated by the Tunisian cores, Tunis and Sfax. In the 1980's, Bourguiba implemented economical specialization policies, strongly reinforced by the Structural Adjustement Plan (1986). These capitalist policies shaped inequalities between central and coastal governorates. During the tunisian revolution, the slogans about the massive unemployment of the young people highlighted the lack of professional possibilities which the region, economically specialized in agriculture, was suffering. Through individual and collective paths (Fillieule, 2001) and the biography (Passeron, 1990) of young people from Sidi Bouzid, we will analyze some key issues underlined by this economical instability. Youssef, Ahmed, Jalel or Tarek are all from Sidi Bouzid. They perceive themselves as poor and unemployed even though their personal or professional situations are different. Dealing with a situation of personal blockage, they were forced to create some strategies (activism for instance), in order to have an income and to avoid a predetermined social

condition. Regardless of their academic levels, they come from working class or modest economic backgrounds. The search for alternative solutions, acting as an appropriation of one's own future at the expense of the Power, can be made with its blessing (for instance, through State funding, or the creation of many private firms within the governorate, Bayat, 2013). This mobilized capital was internalized and applied during the uprising of December 2010. This study is based on qualitative surveys realized in Sidi Bouzid, interviews with activists, social entrepreneurs, unionists or politicians, and quantitative data from the National Institute of Statistics of Tunisia.

RN06_07a | Resisting

Authoritarian Neoliberalism

Allied Against Austerity – A Network

Analysis Of Transnational

Cooperation Among Anti-austerity

Initiatives In Europe

Bonfert, Bernd

Roskilde University, Denmark bernd.bonfert[at]gmx.de

The imposition of austerity programmes across Europe following the financial and economic crisis of 2008 has sparked a transnational social movement wave whose impact is still palpable. The contestation of European austerity has become widely diversified, from grass-roots activist groups and protest platforms to solidarity infrastructures and leftist governments. The development of these initiatives differs across regional and politico-economic lines, and most of them are squarely focused on their own domestic context. In spite of this fragmentation, there have been a number of efforts to connect anti-austerity activities across Europe, from transnational campaigns, summits and protests, to the establishment of transnational activist organisations. Anti-austerity initiatives are evidently willing and able to create alliances across borders and carry their contestation to the European level. The question we need to ask is: Under what conditions do they do it? This contribution aims to answer that question. Based on a Social Network Analysis of hundreds of activist initiatives and the dozens of transnational projects they engaged in, it identifies which specific groups of actors cooperate with each other, and characterizes the content, form and scope of their cooperation. Triangulating the evidence with qualitative analyses of activist publications and interviews, it then determines the activists' concrete reasons for cooperating, as well as the successes and challenges they encounter. Using a Gramscian theoretical framework, the results are ultimately discussed in regard to how the transnationalisation of social struggles corresponds to the variegation of neoliberal capitalism and the erosion of its hegemony.

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