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CHAPTER 8: TRADE, TARIFFS AND GROWTH

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(1)

CHAPTER 8:

TRADE, TARIFFS

AND GROWTH

(2)

COMPARATIVE ADVANTAGE

• David Ricardo (1772-1823): countries trade to gain from their comparative advantages

• Countries only differ by labour productivity, should export good they are relatively efficient at producing

•  countries should trade even if they don’t have an absolute advantage in production

• Due to opportunity costs

• Trade  greater extent of the market  specialization

 growth

(3)

HECKSHER & OHLIN AND WINNERS AND LOSERS FROM TRADE

• Comparative advantage based on relative abundance of factors of production

– E.g. land-abundant countries will export land-intensive goods, agricultural produce

• Stolper-Samuelson: Trade increases (decreases) return to owners of the abundant (scarce) resources

– E.g. owners of land will gain from exporting agricultural produce from land-abundant country

• Winners and losers from trade  trade policy important!

(4)

TRADE IN THE 19

TH

CENTURY

• H-O based their model on 19th century trade: largely intersectoral: goods traded between countries from different sectors and industries

– E.g. land-abundant US exported agricultural produce, capital- abundant UK exported manufactures

• Exceptions to H-O model such as US due to trade policy

– E.g. US protected industrial production

(5)

MERCHANDISE TRADE PATTERNS IN THE UK

AND THE US 1880-1913

(6)

TRADE IN THE 20

TH

CENTURY

• Trade became increasingly intrasectoral: countries exported similar goods to those they imported

• Paul Krugman’s New Trade Theory, monopolistic

competition: economies of scale at the level of the firm

 competition between varieties of goods

•  Free trade gives both cheaper goods and more variety

• But comparative advantage is still relevant, especially for trade between industrial and lesser developed

countries

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MERCHANDISE TRADE PATTERNS IN

WESTERN EUROPE 1963-1999

(8)

TRADE AND GROWTH

• Trade implies a one-off welfare improvement as resources allocated more efficiently through

specialization

• Also impacts on growth through technological change

– Technological knowledge is embedded in capital equipment – N.B. Non-rival nature of knowledge

• Caveat: More competition with trade implies less profit, so less for firms to invest in R&D!

(9)

AN ARGUMENT FOR PROTECTION

• Infant industry protection, e.g. in the US of industry

Might pay to protect until an industry is of a sufficient size to compete internationally

– If technological progress aided by learning by doing and dynamic economies of scale

• Problems:

– How to identify industries with potential

– Protection might make industries less competitive

– Might be politically difficult to remove protection again!

(10)

THE INFANT-INDUSTRY ARGUMENT

FOR PROTECTION

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MERCANTILISM

• Mercantilism until the beginning of the 19th century

• International reserves needed in risky environment  protectionism, export > import

• Problem: not every country can have a current account surplus!

• Trade was mostly in non-competing goods

– Sugar and cotton from the colonies

• Gradual increase in world trade

(12)

MOVEMENT TO FREE TRADE

• Liberal critique of mercantilist policies in France and Britain by end of 18th century

– But land-owners had power, and land was scarce in Europe – Tariffs important source of government revenue

• Ricardo motivated by the British Corn Laws: protection of grains

• Corn Laws repealed in 1846, 1860 Cobden-Chevalier Treaty and gradual movement to free trade in Europe

(13)

THE FIRST FREE TRADE ERA IN EUROPE

(14)

PROTECTIONIST BACKLASH

• Many European nations eventually returned to protection

• Cheap grain imports from US caused landowners to campaign for protection

• Germany: more general reaction: ‘iron and rye’ alliance

• US did not share movement to free trade

– Protection for government revenue

– Northern states won civil war, wanted infant industry protection (in contrast to agricultural south)

(15)

THE DISINTEGRATION OF WORLD TRADE IN THE INTERWAR PERIOD

• Free trade until the 1920s, but Great Depression of the 1930s led to fall in trade

– Gold Standard countries were more protectionist

– Devaluing countries actually increased trade in the 1930s  No beggar-thy-neighbour

• US Smoot-Hawley tariffs increased already high tariffs

• Other countries had no choice but to retaliate, since could not finance trade deficits after financial collapse

• The world divided into trade blocs

(16)

AVERAGE PROTECTION (%) FOR 23

COUNTRIES 1865-2000

(17)

RESTORATION OF FREE TRADE

• After Second World War, countries recognized the

dangers of trade wars  General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) rounds from 1947

– Agriculture left out of GATT negotiations, remains protected in US and Europe

– Customs unions such as the European Union permitted

• World Trade Organization (WTO) from 1987

• No protectionist backlash after 2007/8 crisis

– Because no worldwide fixed exchange rate system?

(18)

THE VOLUME OF WORLD TRADE AFTER

TWO GREAT SHOCKS

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TARIFFS AND GROWTH

• Difficult to test relationship between tariffs and growth

– How to measure protection?

• Mixed empirical evidence

– ‘Tariff-growth paradox’: tariffs good for growth before WW2, bad afterwards!

• Reason: depends on how tariffs are used!

– Which sectors are protected? E.g. industrial protection might foster industrialization

– History, politics, etc. matter

(20)

SUMMARY

• Theory is ambiguous about impact of protectionism on growth

– Gains from trade by specialization and technology transfer – But short run protection might be useful

• Historical evidence suggests a little protection is not bad, and might even be helpful, but extreme protection is

disastrous

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THE EUROPEAN TRADE REGIMES

(22)

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

(23)

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

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SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

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SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

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SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

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