Contents
19.1 Psychological Symptoms
in Childhood Cancer Survivors . . . 296 19.1.1 Depression and Behavioral Disorders . . . 296 19.1.2 Posttraumatic Stress . . . 296 19.2 Quality of Life and Functional Impact
of Cancer . . . 298 19.3 Effects on Social Development . . . 299
19.3.1 Social Consequences
for Survivors of Non-CNS Malignancies . . 299 19.3.2 Social Consequences
for Survivors of CNS Malignancies . . . 299 19.3.3 Social Consequences
for Survivors’ Family Members . . . 300 19.4 Implications for the Provision
of Follow-Up Care . . . 300 19.5 Research and Practice:
Developing Interventions
Targeting Psychological Late Effects . . . 301 19.6 Conclusion . . . 302 References . . . 302
It can come as a surprise to survivors and their fami- lies that cancer does not end when treatment ends, and that life does not automatically return to normal.
Instead, as families manage the many transitions that accompany the end of treatment, they find that can- cer survivorship has its own set of medical and psy- chological issues. Medical screening continues – first, for disease recurrence and, later, for the emergence of medical late effects and longer-term psychological reactions. For this reason, it may be more accurate to conceive of cancer survivorship as a stage in a life- long chronic illness, rather than as an acute illness that ends with “cure” or some other arbitrary end point [45]. The goal of this chapter is to summarize psychological aspects of cancer survivorship. Specif- ically, we will present an overview of what is known about psychological late effects of childhood cancer, as well as some guidelines for managing these effects.
We use the phrase, “psychological late effects,” to refer to the influence of cancer, treatment and sur- vivorship on survivors’ and their family members’
feelings, thoughts, behaviors and relationships. Like medical late effects, psychological late effects can oc- cur a year or two after treatment, but they may not even begin to emerge until many years after treat- ment ends. The breadth of this definition implies that psychological late effects can appear in many aspects of a survivor’s life. Much research to date on psycho- logical late effects has focused on the neurocognitive sequelae of treatment (see Chapter 4for an excellent review of this work). Here, we will focus on the broader array of areas in which psychological late effects have been examined: the development of psy- chological symptoms (e.g. depression, behavior dis- orders, posttraumatic stress), the abd functional im-
Psychological Aspects of Long-Term Survivorship
Mary T. Rourke · Anne E. Kazak
pact of cancer/quality of life and peer relation- ships/social skills. In addition, because childhood cancer is a powerful experience – not only for the di- agnosed child, but also for those closely involved with him or her – we will explore psychological late effects that survivors’ family members may experience.
19.1 Psychological Symptoms in Childhood Cancer Survivors
19.1.1 Depression and Behavioral Disorders Although many healthcare providers may believe that high rates of depression or behavioral disorders are common in cancer survivors, there is little evi- dence that this is the case. While parents tend to see higher than average levels of somatic symptoms in children (e.g. headaches, stomachaches, toileting issues [39, 43]), most research indicates no unusual levels of psychological symptoms in survivors during childhood and adolescence.Across a number of stud- ies, overall rates of depression [42], behavioral disor- ders [41, 43] and other general psychological symp- toms [9, 31, 55] reported by children and their par- ents have been comparable to rates reported by chil- dren who have never had cancer. Similarly, survivors appear to have no more social anxiety, loneliness or body image concerns than do their never-ill peers [46], and they may even have a more positive self-im- age than their peers [3, 35].
Similar results have been found with older sur- vivors of childhood cancer. In general, young adult survivors’ rates of depressive symptoms are compa- rable to those of peers [34] or norms [52]. Although the large multi-site Childhood Cancer Survivors Study (CCSS) identified higher levels of depressive and somatic symptoms in survivors than in their siblings, survivors’ rates of depressive and somatic symptoms were still in the normal range [63]. Simi- larly, in a large study of Danish survivors, overall rates of depression and other psychiatric disorders in survivors of childhood cancers other than brain tumor were consistent with national norms. Only brain tumor survivors evidenced higher levels of depression and other presumably organic disorders (e.g. psychoses, schizophrenia), as well as a higher
rate of psychiatric hospitalization [52]. Aggression and antisocial behavior in young adult survivors occur at rates comparable to those in never-ill peers, while survivors’ use of illegal drugs may be less frequent than that of peers [61].
Although most survivors are not depressed and report that they are doing well overall, a significant minority may experience some form of significant psychological distress. One-quarter to one-third of young adult survivors report higher-than-average levels of global psychological distress [14, 31, 49], with a concerning percentage reporting that they have experienced suicidal thoughts [49]. It is impor- tant to note that these high levels of psychological distress are evident even in groups of survivors that also report good overall functioning, with high rates of employment and high scores on quality of life measures [54].
The relatively high rates of global distress, coupled with the lack of evidence for any one clear psycho- logical diagnosis, has led recent researchers to specu- late that more traditional or general measures of psychopathology and well-being may not capture the specific experiences of childhood cancer survivors [22]. One alternative is to view cancer (and, poten- tially, aspects of the cancer survivorship period) as traumatic events, which may in turn lead to the expe- rience of posttraumatic stress in the survivorship years [22, 53, 56].
19.1.2 Posttraumatic Stress
It is easy to see the ways in which childhood cancer can be traumatic. At diagnosis, parents are told ex- plicitly that their child may die. Survivors may hear this information, or may interpret life threat from their parents’ urgency and intense emotional reac- tions, their own physical reactions to treatment and the abrupt changes in their family routine. Cancer treatment can be experienced as a horrifying, scary and painful series of events for everyone involved, ranging from events like losing hair to feeling nau- seous to experiencing repeated and painful invasive procedures. Patients and their families may watch other children, with whom they have developed rela- tionships, die of the same disease they are fighting.
Likewise, survivorship can offer its own set of trau- matic events. Just when survivors are reaching a stage of development at which they are becoming more independent, they may be faced with significant late effects – such as cardiovascular disease, infertility or cognitive disabilities – that limit or otherwise affect the life choices available to them. Further, it is not uncommon for survivors to know fellow survivors who have died of a recurrence or medical late effect.
Posttraumatic stress reactions to these distressing events can begin soon after the initial traumatic event and continue for many years. Three kinds of posttraumatic stress symptoms may emerge: persist- ent re-experiencing of the traumatic parts of cancer/
survivorship (including intrusive thoughts, night- mares or strong negative feelings triggered by re- minders), actual or considered avoidance of cancer- or survivorship-related situations and strong physio- logical responses when reminded about cancer or survivorship [2, 29]. Survivors may experience only a few of these posttraumatic stress symptoms (PTSS), or they may develop several symptoms from all three categories. If this happens, and if the symptoms sig- nificantly interfere with their normal activities, the diagnosis of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is warranted.
Research has, indeed, documented higher levels of both PTSS and PTSD in cancer survivors and their family members. Rates of PTSD for adolescent sur- vivors are generally low and roughly comparable to rates in non-ill adolescents (ranging from 5–10%
[5, 11, 26]. Most adolescent survivors, however, do re- port at least some symptoms of PTSD [4, 11]. In one study, 50% of adolescent survivors reported re-expe- riencing symptoms, and 29% reported increased physiological responses when reminded of cancer/
survivorship [26].
Developmentally, PTSD and PTSS appear to be even more prominent for childhood cancer survivors during young adulthood, where 15–21% of young adult survivors report experiencing PTSD. In addi- tion, more than 75% of young adult survivors report re-experiencing difficult moments of treatment/sur- vivorship, while nearly half report increased physio- logical reactions when reminded of cancer/survivor- ship and one-quarter attempt to or want to avoid
cancer-related discussions or situations [54]. Data in- dicate that for child and adolescent survivors, trau- matic reactions are associated with concrete events, such as losing hair or experiencing painful proce- dures. For young adult survivors, these reactions to concrete events persist, but are accompanied by two kinds of additional distress: distress over the retro- spective realization of the life threat that they experi- enced and worry over medical late-effects that exist or may occur [26].
Although PTSS is often subclinical, symptoms can significantly impede development for survivors. For example, an adolescent who is very upset when reminded of her treatment experience may do every- thing she can to avoid talking or thinking about her cancer. She may not feel comfortable socializing with friends or dating, even though she would like to do these things. A child or adolescent might become so distracted by a high level of worry or vigilance about his health that his ability to focus at school suffers, resulting in lower or inconsistent grades. For young adult survivors, worries about infertility and other medical late-effects can interfere with intimate rela- tionships and family planning, and concerns related to cognitive or physical limitations may prevent the establishment of independence. Because survivors may report no other significant areas of difficulty, it may be difficult to discern that they are experiencing posttraumatic stress.
As mentioned above, cancer and survivorship can be traumatic not only for the survivor, but also for family members, and data do indicate that parents and siblings also experience PTSS and PTSD.
Although rates of PTSD in mothers and fathers range across studies from 5–20% [26, 27, 36, 37], at least one-third of families of adolescent survivors have at least one member who has had cancer-related PTSD.
In addition, subclinical rates of PTSS in family mem- bers are common. Mothers and fathers of survivors report significantly more PTSS than do parents of never-ill children [23, 27]. Nearly all families (99%) have at least one family member who struggles with re-experiencing symptoms, over 80% have at least one member with increased physiological reactions when reminded of cancer and nearly half have at least one member who avoids reminders of cancer [28].
Adolescent siblings, too, appear to have mild to mod- erate levels of PTSS in response to a brother or sister’s cancer [1]. Common sibling reactions include per- sistent worries about the survivor’s health and dis- tress when reminded of the cancer experience. Like adolescent survivors, adolescent siblings may be functioning well overall, and the posttraumatic stress may not be apparent at first glance.
The factors that predispose some survivors and family members to develop PTSD or PTSS are not completely clear. It makes sense to expect that sur- vivors who endured more difficult treatments, or whose diagnoses had worse prognoses, would be more likely to develop PTSD or some symptoms of posttraumatic stress. This does not seem to be the case, however. The more objective factors of treat- ment intensity, diagnosis and age at time of treat- ment do not appear to be related to posttraumatic stress for most survivors and their family members.
What is related are the beliefs of survivors about their treatment intensity and their current and past life threat [17, 24]. The one exception appears to involve medical late effects. There are some indications that for young adult survivors, medical team ratings of medical late-effect severity are related to higher levels of posttraumatic stress [54].
19.2 Quality of Life and Functional Impact of Cancer
A number of studies have looked at the more global construct of “quality of life” in order to assess psy- chological late-effects and overall functioning in the years after childhood cancer. These studies agree that adolescent and young adult survivors of childhood cancer report very good overall functioning in phys- ical and general psychosocial domains [6, 8, 32, 62]. In some studies, quality of life scores are even better than norms for peers with other chronic illnesses or those who have never been ill [54]. Only two quality of life issues appear to emerge as consistent areas of difficulty for survivors: the experience of ongoing fatigue or aches and pains, and worry over medical late-effects or the possibility of a second cancer [6, 32, 62]. Mothers report more negative quality of life for
their adolescent survivors than survivors report themselves [8], suggesting the importance of asking both children and their mothers, independently, about quality-of-life issues. Brain tumor survivors report a lower physical quality of life than survivors of other cancers, while there is some evidence that ALL survivors, who report good physical quality of life, may have more psychosocial issues [8]. Overall, however, average levels of quality of life across stud- ies indicate that survivors have a positive outlook, are satisfied with their lives, feel a sense of purpose and have the same opportunities in daily living as do their never-ill peers.
Studies documenting the impact of childhood cancer on educational and employment achieve- ments, as well as on the achievement of developmen- tal milestones, are largely consistent with these gen- erally high levels of quality of life. Overall, survivors tend to enter gifted programs, finish high school and earn bachelors degrees at rates comparable to those of their siblings [15, 33, 34]. Some survivors, however, appear to be at greater risk for difficulties in these areas. Those treated before the age of 6 who survived a brain tumor, or who received intrathecal metho- trexate and/or cranial radiation (especially at doses higher than 24Gy), are more at risk for learning dis- abilities and special education placements, and are less likely to finish high school and complete a bach- elors degree [15, 33, 38, 40]. Receiving special educa- tion may increase survivors’ educational attainment levels to more closely parallel those of siblings [38].
Later differences in employment may also be evi- dent in some survivors, despite overall high rates of employment in survivors generally. Survivors appear to be employed less frequently than their siblings [40], although more survivors than siblings report being students or homemakers [33]. As many as one- third of all survivors report problems obtaining health insurance [40], a potentially significant prob- lem in this medically-vulnerable population. Rates of marriage are also generally high, although there is evidence that survivors marry at rates lower than those of their siblings or population norms. Those with CNS tumors appear to have lower marriage rates and, when they do marry, higher divorce rates [33, 48].
19.3 Effects on Social Development
Developing social relationships is a primary task of childhood and adolescence. It also provides children with the contextual experience necessary for building an understanding of who they are and developing a sense of competence. Because cancer and treatment at least partially remove children from the normal everyday activities in which most children build rela- tionships, it seems likely that social development is an area at risk for difficulties.
19.3.1 Social Consequences
for Survivors of Non-CNS Malignancies
While childhood cancer survivors do show some so- cial developmental differences, it is not clear that these differences represent deficits. Overall, survivors of childhood cancer are rated as more socially isolat- ed and they have fewer best friends than do other children [60]. Survivors participate in fewer than half as many normative peer activities (e.g. going to a friend’s house, going out with friends, playing sports) as their never-ill peers [46]. Children whose physical appearance and athletic ability were affected by their treatment may be at higher risk for some of these social challenges [50, 60].
For survivors of non-CNS malignancies, there seem to be few immediate consequences of these social differences. Despite being identified as more socially isolated and having fewer best friends, child- hood cancer survivors are as well liked as their class- mates. Teachers rate survivors as less aggressive than other children and, in some studies, as more sociable [13]. Furthermore, as mentioned above, survivors themselves generally do not report feeling lonely or depressed.
The potential for longer-term problems associated with social developmental differences exists, how- ever, and has not yet been well researched. Being less involved with peers may not give survivors the social practice they will need as young adults. These kinds of difficulties are likely to emerge slowly over time, and they might not be evident until several years after treatment ends. Indeed, one study suggests that
in adulthood, childhood cancer survivors have more difficulty with close friendships and romantic rela- tionships, reporting shorter intimate relationships and relationships characterized by a lack of confiding or personal involvement [34]. While there are no other empirical studies of this issue, the lower mar- riage rates cited by some studies (see above) are con- sistent with this possibility. More work in this area is necessary to better understand the long-term social implications for survivors.
19.3.2 Social Consequences for Survivors of CNS Malignancies
As reviewed above, CNS malignancies appear to present a specific vulnerability for psychological late effects, above and beyond the cognitive changes that are usually associated with CNS disease and treat- ment [50]. This vulnerability appears to be particu- larly associated with deficits in the area of social development. Several studies of children who were treated for brain tumors identify difficulties in social competence and communication with peers; they also cite reports of social isolation [12, 18, 47, 59]. In one study, classmates continued to see brain tumor survivors as “sick,” even many years after treatment had ended [59]. It is likely that compromises in social competence are related to the cognitive changes that many brain tumor survivors experience as a result of their disease and treatment. Cognitive impairments may impede a child’s ability to understand and re- spond appropriately to social cues. Indeed, in one study of brain tumor survivors, verbal memory and learning problems accounted for much of the social withdrawal seen in the children, while difficulties in verbal fluency and decreased IQ were significantly related to difficulties with attention, inhibition and social functioning [18]. Over time, these survivors are at higher risk psychologically. For example, in a large Danish study of long-term childhood cancer survivors, brain tumor survivors (but not survivors of non-CNS malignancies) were significantly more likely to experience psychiatric hospitalization and to demonstrate a higher risk of psychotic illness after physical illness [52].
19.3.3 Social Consequences for Survivors’ Family Members
There is very little research on the social conse- quences of childhood cancer for members of a sur- vivor’s family. Some research suggests that parents may feel lonely or isolated after treatment ends [58].
During the survivorship period, parents may have continued concerns about their child’s health and fewer people available to hear and respond to those concerns. Medical teams are seen less frequently, while friends and family members – relieved by the victory of survival – may not understand a parent’s continued medical concerns. Being aware that these feelings can emerge, and finding new ways to talk to supportive people in their lives about the stage of cancer survivorship, can help parents feel more con- nected and less isolated. Increasingly, parents are also turning to books, on-line support groups, websites, list-serves and other media to reduce feelings of iso- lation (see [30] for a particularly good resource for parents and others close to long-term survivors).
19.4 Implications for the Provision of Follow-Up Care
Participation in regular follow-up care is strongly recommended for long-term survivors in order to provide prevention and/or early detection of medical late effects [16, 44, 51]. Because childhood cancer sur- vivors are doing well overall and, as a group, demon- strate relatively low levels of psychological symp- toms, it is easy to overlook the ways in which psy- chosocial issues can interfere in survivors’ medical care. However, even low-to-moderate levels of post- traumatic stress, like that evident in a majority of sur- vivors and their parents, can have very significant medical consequences. For example, avoidance of reminders of the traumatic illness experience – a common symptom of posttraumatic stress – puts survivors at risk for avoiding medical care, a poten- tially disastrous behavior in this medically-vulnera- ble population. The distress and arousal that accom- pany cancer reminders – also hallmark symptoms of posttraumatic stress – are likely to be high during
cancer follow-up visits and may impede the abilities of survivors to comprehend or attend to the cancer- related education and information being delivered.
Participating in follow-up care itself may affect dis- tress. For example, survivors may become more upset and even be re-traumatized as they hear about med- ical complications associated with their treatment.
While there are no data that explicitly demonstrate a link between follow-up care and distress in child- hood cancer survivors, long-term survivors and their family members report follow-up visits to be among some of the most frightening moments they experi- ence [26].
Developmental issues may make participating in long-term follow-up care particularly important, and frightening, for young adult survivors. Childhood cancer survivors may not have had full access to information during their treatments, and, as a result, often learn of their long-term medical risks for the first time during a follow-up visit [21]. Furthermore, as childhood cancer survivors reach adulthood, they take on the direct responsibility for managing their own healthcare – a complex task, formerly handled by parents, that can be overwhelming and frighten- ing.
Thus, recent urgings for the development of wide- ly-available follow-up care have appropriately argued for the integration of medical and psychosocial eval- uation throughout the lifespan of childhood cancer survivors [16, 44]. There is some evidence that sur- vivors are receptive to psychosocial screening and interventions in the context of their follow-up care (e.g. [10, 49]) and that even brief educational inter- ventions can be effective in changing survivors’
understanding of their medical vulnerability, as well as their perceptions about the importance of follow- up care [7]. There is a lack of clarity, however, in exactly what form specific interventions should take.
For example, although survivors may endorse their willingness to participate in interventions that target modifications of health-risk behaviors (e.g. [10]), it is often difficult to demonstrate the effectiveness of these very-targeted interventions [19].
Increasingly, professionals are advocating that fol- low-up care explicitly attend to the broader array of psychosocial issues that can emerge during survivor-
ship [17, 20, 22, 44, 57]. Recommendations include in- stituting comprehensive, but brief, psychosocial screening into every follow-up visit for every patient [49]. Such assessments will best inform subsequent referrals and care if they include assessments of issues specific to the cancer experience (rather than assessments of global distress). Although healthcare providers may be able to accomplish some level of assessment through the use of standardized ques- tionnaires, there are some indications that interviews may elicit more information than questionnaires about cancer-specific symptoms [54]. In the context of the medical exam, then, it is important for health- care providers to ask specific questions about sur- vivors’ achievement of appropriate developmental milestones (e.g. education, employment, relation- ships), emotional distress and, in particular, specific symptoms of posttraumatic stress (i.e. re-experienc- ing, avoidance and arousal; for examples of specific questions, see [53]). Knowing a survivor’s strengths, as well as the specific symptoms s/he experiences, enables healthcare providers to direct the survivor to the most appropriate and effective psychosocial care.
The process may not be easy, however, due to issues related to availability and access. For example, pedi- atric cancer programs may have difficulty identifying appropriate adult mental healthcare services, while survivors’ lack of insurance coverage can complicate access to such services even when they are identified.
While there are no easy answers, it is recommended that follow-up program personnel draw on social work or psychology expertise to identify the most appropriate referral sources or policies that may be available in their region.
It is also critical to develop ways of responsibly educating survivors on their medical risk while min- imizing the anxiety that such education may provoke [20]. Providers should be attuned to the potential psychological impact of the information they are de- livering, and they should be sensitive to the fact that many survivors may be hearing the information directly for the first time or feel independently responsible for managing this health-related issue for the first time. Being careful to ask about and listen to survivors’ perceptions, and then carefully correcting misperceptions, can minimize anxiety-provoking
misunderstandings that can impede participation in future medical care. Providing anticipatory guidance about psychosocial symptoms that are normative for many survivors (e.g. anxiety and worry about med- ical late effects or distress when reminded of cancer and late effects) can also minimize worry. Helping survivors recognize aspects of the situation that they control (e.g. participating in regular preventive care) and identifying their areas of strength in managing their own health may also decrease the chances that posttraumatic reactions could undermine their involvement in future medical care. For example, practitioners can help survivors identify modifiable risk factors and can emphasize their control over maintaining their health [20]. Finally, while it is recommended that all patients receive this standard level of psychosocial care integrated into each follow- up visit, some survivors will demonstrate specific, and possibly intensive, psychological needs. It is, therefore, important to maintain a referral list of care providers who can deliver more intensive care, in- cluding psychotherapists and neuropsychologists.
19.5 Research and Practice:
Developing Interventions Targeting Psychological Late Effects
A critical piece of providing comprehensive follow- up care involves interdisciplinary research that aims to develop and demonstrate the effectiveness of psy- chosocial interventions as part of the follow-up care.
Cancer centers across the country are now beginning to develop and test such interventions, spanning a broad range of psychosocial needs. Such interven- tions range from targeted behavioral efforts for mod- ifying health risk behaviors (e.g. [10, 20]), to more general programs that, during follow-up visits, aim to educate survivors on their medical vulnerability and the need for continued participation in follow-up care (e.g. [7]).
As an example, building on the research related to PTSS across members of the family, an intervention for adolescent survivors and their families has been developed and tested in a randomized clinical trial of 150 families. The intervention, Surviving Cancer
Competently Intervention Program (SCCIP [25]) in- tegrates cognitive behavioral approaches to distress- ing symptoms of posttraumatic stress within a family systems intervention model. SCCIP has been shown to reduce PTSS in survivors and in their fathers [28].
19.6 Conclusion
Overall, survivors of childhood cancer report doing very well and demonstrate low rates of traditional psychological issues. Though most do well, a signifi- cant minority may experience PTSD, and most sur- vivors and their family members experience at least some symptoms of posttraumatic stress related to cancer, treatment or survivorship experiences. The large majority of these reactions – although they can pose significant impediments to individual and family development – are normal reactions to the unusual stress of childhood cancer that are likely to emerge unpredictably and to wax and wane over the course of time. Social and relationship differences may also affect childhood cancer survivors, though it is unclear whether these differences contribute to ongoing distress. It is essential during any compre- hensive follow-up care program that there be a sensi- tive assessment of these issues and that the develop- ment of interventions to combat psychological late effects be part of ongoing efforts.
Finally, it is important to emphasize that the expe- rience of psychological late effects does not rule out the possibility that survivors may have positive expe- riences or outcomes that they ascribe to the child- hood cancer experience. There is little formal re- search on this topic, but many psychologists working with survivors have qualitative or anecdotal reports that parents and survivors grow to appreciate at least some parts of the cancer experience. Parents and survivors frequently explain that childhood cancer taught them to put things in perspective in ways that other people do not do, that they are not as material- istic and that they are more empathic. Survivors fre- quently feel that they are more mature than others their age, and that they value their family relation- ships more. Family members and survivors may feel grateful to the medical professionals who worked
with them, and proud of their ability to manage – and survive – challenges like childhood cancer and sur- vivorship [26]. Drawing on these strengths and the positive contributions of the cancer experience can help survivors and their family members weather future challenges they may face.
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