E U R O P E A N U N I V E R S I T Y INSTITUTE Department of History and Civilisation
T H E RISE O F T H E W A G E W O R K E R
P E A S A N T FAMILIES A N D T H E O R G A N I Z A T I O N O F W O R K IN M O D E R N SPAIN
Carmen Sarasúa Garcia
Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the Degree of Doctor of the European University Institute
Examining Jury:
Prof. M. Angeles Duran, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Madrid Prof. R a m ó n Garrabcu, Universität Autónoma, Barcelona (co-supervisor)
Prof. Olwen Hufton, European University Institute Prof. René Leboutte, European University Institute Prof. Robert Rowland, ISCTE, Lisbon (supervisor)
D ecem ber, 1995 F lo ren ce
E U R O P E A N U N I V E R S I T Y INSTITUTE Department of History and Civilisation
T H E RISE O F T H E W A G E W O R K E R
P E A S A N T FAMILIES A N D T H E O R G A N I Z A T I O N O F W O R K IN M O D E R N S P A I N
Carmen Sarasúa García
Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the Degree of Doctor of the European University Institute
Examining Jury:
LIB
9 4 6 . 0 5 5 -
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Prof. M. Angeles Durán, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Madrid Prof. R a m ó n Garrabou, Universität Autónoma, Barcelona (co-supervisor)
Prof. Olwen Hufton, European University Institute Prof. René Leboutte, European University Institute Prof. Robert Rowland, ISCTE, Lisbon (supervisor)
D ecem ber, 1995 Florence
EUROPEA!
T H E RISE OF TH E W A G E W O RK ER
P e a sa n t fa m ilie s a n d the o rg a n iz a tio n of w o rk in M o d e m S p ain
C a rm e n S arasúa G arcia
In tro d u c tio n : A m e th o d o lo g ic a l p ro p o s a l to s tu d y th e fa m ily o rg a n iz a tio n of la b o u r. S o u rces... p. 1
I. T H R E E PEA SA N T E C O N O M IE S, 18TH T O 19TH C EN TU R IES: THE D E M O G R A P H IC A N D EC O N O M IC BASIS
1. Montes de Pas
l.a. The physical and historical setting... p. 32 l.b. Population, 1752-1880... p. 34 l.c. The property system: the family farm... p. 36 1. d. Productive basis... p. 40 2. Ca m p o de Calatrava
2. a. The physical and historical setting... p. 42 2. b. Population, 1752-1880... p. 44 2. c. The property system... p. 48 2. d. Productive basis... p. 54 3. Rute
3. a.The physical and historical setting... p. 68 3. b. Population, 1752-1892... p. 68 3. c. The property system... p.69 3. d. Productive basis... p. 71 4 4. Transmission of property and peasant families
The inheritance systems... p. 77
II. THE ORGANIZATION OF LABOUR IN MID 18TH CENTURY SPAIN
1. The C a ta stro d e E n se n a d a (1752) as a so u rce to s tu d y th e o rg a n iz a tio n o f l a b o u r in 18th c e n tu r y S p a in ... p . 8 2
2. M ontes d e Pas: th e fam ily farm as th e basis of the P asieg o e co n o m y ...p - 9 3
2. a. O th e r a c tiv itie s of fam ily m em b ers: te m p o ra ry w a g e la b o u r... p . 1 0 4 3. C am po d e C a la tra v a .
3. a. T h e w a g e sector: ag ric u ltu ra l a n d livestock w o rk e rs ...p . 1 1 6 3. b. A n a lte rn a tiv e vision o f p ro d u c tio n and la b o u r o rg a n iz a tio n in
A lm a g ro in m id-18th c en tu ry : dom estic lace in d u s tr y ... p . 1 2 4 3. b. 1. L ace tra d e as an in d ire c t w ay to re c o n stru c t fem ale lace
m a n u f a c tu r e... p . 1 2 7 3. b. 2. M em o riales as a so u rce for fem ale o c c u p a tio n ...p . 1 3 3
4. Rute.
4. a. T h e s tr u c tu r e of activ ity in th e m id-18th c e n tu ry ...p . 1 4 4 4. b. N o n m a rk e t activ ities... p . 1 5 4 5. "A d ifficu lt la b r y n th to g et o u t of": H o u se w o rk in ru ra l e co n o m ies...p . 1 5 9
5. a. I n te r p r e ta tio n s of h o u se w o rk as w o m e n 's w o rk ...p. 1 6 9
III. TH E F O R M A T IO N O F A SUPPLY O F W A G E LABOUR 1. Forces s h a p in g th e s u p p ly of la b o u r w ith in the fam ily
1. a. T h e fam ily d iv isio n of la b o u r a s a division o f ro le s...p. 1 7 9
1. a. 1. H isto ric a l in te rp re ta tio n s of the g e n d e r d iv isio n of ta sk s...1 8 2 1. b. T he in te rn a l d is trib u tio n of re so u rc e s... p. 189
1. b. 1. In c o m e -p o o lin g an d its lim its: a c o m p a riso n of S a n ta n d e r m a le a n d fem ale te m p o ra ry m ig ra n ts a n d th e ir p a tte rn of c o n trib u tio n to th e fam ily eco n o m y ... p. 191
1. b. 2. U n e q u a l access of fam ily m em b ers to p o o le d resources...p. 197
* M o n e y for e d u c a tio n ...p. 201 E d u catio n in M o n tes d e P as...p. 202 E d u catio n in C a m p o d e C a la tra v a ... p. 20 6 E d u catio n in R u te ... p. 211
* D iffere n tia l c o n s u m p tio n asso ciated w ith leisure a ctiv itie s.. G am b lin g ... p. 219 D rin k in g ... p. 223
1. c. F u n ctio n ality of g en d er sp a tia l seg reg a tio n for th e fo rm atio n of the
la b o u r m a r k e t ...p. 224
2. Forces s h a p in g the s u p p ly of la b o u r o u ts id e th e fam ily
2. a. The o rg a n iz a tio n of lab o u r in m id -1 8 th c e n tu ry ... p. 233
2. a. 1. C ath o lic m oralists a n d p a rish p rie s ts ...p. 235 2. a. 2. Local instances of p o w e r: th e C oncejos... p. 240 2. b. The re o rg a n iz a tio n p ro m o ted b y th e E n lig h ten ed project:
2. b. 1. T he 'n e w ' m o d el of p e a s a n t fam ily: the s p in n in g w ife....p. 245
2. b. 2. T h e en fo rcem en t of th e 'n e w ' m odel: leg islatio n and State in te rv e n tio n ...p. 251
4 M easu res restricting access to w ag ed secto rs...p. 252 4 M ea su res in ten d ed to p ro m o te certain o c c u p a tio n s ... p. 255
3. T he resu ltin g s u p p ly o f w ag e lab o u r
3. a. W age d ifferen tia ls...p. 258 3. a. 1. W ages in M ontes d e P a s ... p. 259 3. a. 2. W ages in A lm ag ro ...p. 261 3. a. 3. W ages in R ute... p. 265 3. b. G en d ered p a tte rn s of social m o b ility ... p. 269
IV. THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK AT THE END OF THE 19TH CENTURY: WORK IN AND OUTSIDE THE LABOUR MARKET
1. M ontes d e P as... p. 282 1. a. P e d d lin g an d tra d in g in fabrics and clothes as first stages of
p e rm a n e n t m ig ratio n ... p. 284
1. b. The s tru c tu re of activity in 1877: serv an ts as w a g e labour...p. 290
1. c. T e m p o ra ry m ig ratio n in th e census o f 1877... p. 295
1. d. W et n u rs in g d u rin g the 19th c en tu ry ... p. 297 1. e. In v e stm e n t of sav in g s in to th e fam ily farm : cattle rising as th e
so u rc e of econom ic tra n s fo rm a tio n ...p. 300
1. f. Fem ale h o u se h o ld e rs...p. 305
2. A lm a g ro
2. a. O ccu p atio n al s tru c tu re in 1801... 2. b. The D ise n ta ilm e n t an d th e en d o f cattle tra sh u m a n c e . 2. c. Fem ale h o u s e h o ld e rs ...
2. d . O ccu p atio n al s tru c tu re in 1842... 2. e. W age a g ric u ltu ra l la b o u r...
2. f. The e x p an sio n o f th e lace in d u s tr y ... 2. g. The T orres lace 'fa c to ry '... ...
3. R u te
3. a. A g ric u ltu ra l ch an g es: the e x p a n sio n of the oliv e tree.... 3. b. T he o c cu p a tio n a l stru c tu re in 1803... 3. c. W age a g ric u ltu ra l la b o u r a n d irre g u la r fam ily incom es 3. d . T he o c cu p a tio n a l s tru c tu re in 1892... 3. d. 1. Day la b o u re rs a n d th eir fam ilies...
3. d. 2. D om estic m a n u fa c tu rin g o f p o rk p ro d u c ts...’’’ ..p. 308 ..p. 310 ..p. 313 ..p. 316 .p. 318 .p. 321 p. 324 •p. 332 •p. 335 .p. 337 .p. 339 p. 340 .p. 343 IV. C O N C L U S IO N S . 1. A c h a n g in g p e asa n t e c o n o m y ... p 3 4 5 2. A re g io n a l p attern o f la b o u r s u p p ly ?... p 3 4 9
3. T h e re d e fin itio n o f the g e n d e r d iv isio n o f lab o u r: 19th c e n tu ry changes in th e occu p atio n al s t r u c t u r e ... p 3 5 2
4. T h e R ise o f the (M ale) W ag e W orker, the R ise of the (Fem ale) U npaid W o rk e r... r oirc. ... .. 355 B IB L IO G R A PH Y ... ... .. 359 A PE N D IX p . 370
A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S
I am in d e b te d in th e first in stan ce to the E u ro p e a n U n iv e rsity In s titu te for p r o v id in g m e w ith b o th the financial resources a n d an s tim u la tin g in te lle ctu al e n v ir o n m e n t to w r ite th is thesis.
T he In s titu te h a s also g iv en m e th e o p p o rtu n ity to w o rk w ith P ro fesso rs R o w la n d , H u fto n a n d G a rra b o u . The final resu lt o w es m u c h to th e ir teach in g , s u p p o r t a n d c o n fid e n c e th a t I co u ld a lw ay s im prove m y w o rk .
I am p a rtic u la rly in d e b te d , for th e ir help, b u t ab o v e all for th e ir frien d sh ip , to M a ry D aly, Evi K a ro u so u , A ngela Schenk and L arain e L audati.
M y w o rk h a s a lw a y s b een in sp ire d by those w o m e n social scien tists for w h o m social co n flicts a re no t 'so m e th in g to leave at th e u n iv e rsity d o o r so as to b e a b le to w o rk in p e a c e '. This thesis is ded icated to th e m a n d to th e w o m e n and m e n w h o u s e k n o w le d g e to ch an g e life.
J i 11 • :i\> I î : ti» v ' -a-: :■ T :f»n U< r Ú ! , /¡»ivi y : : > *fri2fcfëïr • V/ ru: ■ ( 5
THE RISE OF THE WAGE WORKER
Peasant families and the organization of work in M odem Spain
Introduction
T his th esis o rig in a te d o u t o f an in te re s t in w o rk , a n d in the o rg a n iz a tio n of w o rk , in c o n te m p o ra ry societies. It c o u ld b e said to e x p lo re th e p a st fro m th e p r e s e n t for it in te n d s to p ro v id e h isto ric a l ev id en ce to e x p la in one of th e m o s t ch arac te ristic fe a tu re s o f th e o rg an izatio n o f lab o u r in c o n te m p o ra ry societies, th e fact th a t w h ile m e n w o rk for w a g es, w o m e n are m o stly o c cu p ie d in u n p a id d o m e stic w o rk a n d , as a consequence, u n d e rta k e w ag ed la b o u r u n d e r c o m p le te ly d iffe re n t co n d itio n s.
T h e 'p re v a ilin g a s s u m p tio n ' b e h in d th e f u n d a m e n ta l p ro cess th a t g a v e rise to su c h o rg a n iz a tio n of w o rk in m o d e rn E u r o p e a n so cieties m ig h t b e a p p ro p ria te ly d e sc rib e d w ith the fo llo w in g im age by M axine Berg:
The fundamental transformation of the meaning of work (...) is usually believed to have come with the reorganisation of production which separated the household from the workplace at some point during the industrialisation. (...) Families were divided from the trades, consumption from production, women's activities from men's.1
T h e g e n d e r d iv isio n of lab o u r has d e e p econom ic a n d social co n seq u en ces. Its e c o n o m ic c o n se q u e n c e s cen ter on th e fact th a t in m a rk e t eco n o m ies w a g e la b o u r is th e m a in s o u rc e of in co m e fo r in d iv id u a ls , c o n d itio n in g , to a la rg e e x ten t, access to p ro p e rty , p attern s o f co n su m p tio n , e n title m e n ts, etc.
Social c o n se q u e n c e s arise b e c a u se th e sta tu s o f w o rk e r is w h a t c o n fe rs
1 Maxine Berg, "Women's work, mechanisation and the early phases of industrialisation in England", in P. Joyce, ed., The Historical meanings of work. Cambridge University Press, 1987, p. 64.
s o c ia l a n d p o litic a l id e n tity in m o d e rn so cie tie s 2. In fact, sin ce th e o n s e t o f
in d u s tria liz a tio n , th e W o rk e r h as in c re a se d h is social im p o rta n c e , an d s o c ie tie s see th em selv es as d iv id e d b etw een a 'p ro d u c tiv e p a rt', fo rm ed b y W o rk ers, a n d a 'p a s s iv e ', o r 'in a c tiv e ' p a r t, p e o p led b y N o n -W o rk ers. T he c o n stru c tio n o f g e n d e r id e n titie s is la rg e ly b a s e d on m a le /f e m a le relatio n s to w o rk : m e n are see n a s b re a d w in n e rs , fu ll p a rtic ip a n ts in th e m a rk e t eco n o m y , w o m e n as d e p e n d a n ts a n d carers, o u tsid e o r p e rip h e ra l to th e m a rk e t.
T his thesis in te n d s to d escrib e the h isto ric a l p ro c e ss w h ic h p ro d u c e d th is d ic h o to m y . It assu m es th re e fu n d a m e n ta l id eas:
F irst, th a t th e p r o d u c tio n o f g o o d s a n d serv ices w a s n e v e r c o m p le te ly a b so rb e d by the m a rk e t a fte r in d u s tria lis a tio n . R ather, p a rt o f it c o n tin u e d to b e o rg a n iz e d by fam ilies. T h e se tw o s p h e re s o f p ro d u c tio n w e re b a se d u p o n tw o d iff e r e n t sy stem s o f w o r k o rg a n iz a tio n : w o r k d o n e u n d e r fa m ily re la tio n s o f p r o d u c tio n w as u n p a id , w h ile w o rk u n d e r m a rk e t re la tio n s o f p ro d u c tio n w a s p aid .
S eco n d , th a t th e s e tw o w o rk s p h e r e s w e re n o t u n c o n n e c te d a n d th e a llo c a tio n of roles w ith in o n e o r th e o th e r w a s n o t fo rtu ito u s. A g e n d e r d iv isio n of la b o u r existed, b y w h ic h m en w o rk e d u n d e r m a rk e t re la tio n s of p ro d u c tio n a n d w o m e n u n d e r fam ily re la tio n s o f p ro d u c tio n .
T h ird , th a t u n p a id h o u s e w iv e s a re a h isto rical p r o d u c t of this d u a lity (a n d , fo r th is re a so n , a h is to ric a l p ro b le m ) as m u ch as m ale b re a d w in n e rs a re , a n d b o th m u st be s tu d ie d as th e p ro d u c ts o f th e sam e h isto rical process.
A cco u n ts o f th e o rg a n iz a tio n o f la b o u r in c o n te m p o ra ry so cieties
A l l n o tio n s o f w o rk a re h isto rical p ro d u c ts . 3 T he fo llo w in g p ag es aim to d e fin e th e e le m e n ts th a t fo rm the n o tio n o f w o rk h ere u tilis e d , as m u ch as th e
2 As Anne Jacob has recently pointed out, an identification between worker and holder of property (and then political) rights lies at the basis of the Western contemporary notion of work. A. Jacob, Le Travail, reflet des cultures. Paris, PUF, 1994.
3 This is the idea of the essays gathered in P. Joyce, ed., The Historical meanings of work.
th e o re tic a l fram e w o rk . T his is p a rtic u la rly d ifficu lt in th is case for tw o re a so n s: first, b e ca u se w o rk h a s b een the su b ject o f m u ltid isc ip lin a ry concern: E co n o m ics, S o cio lo g y , A n th ro p o lo g y , h av e all fo c u se d on w o rk a n d its o rg a n iz a tio n , a n d h a v e d e v e lo p e d th e ir o w n tra d itio n s o f th in k in g a b o u t th e subject, a n d th e ir o w n concepts.
R elev a n t c o n trib u tio n s to th e s u b je c t h av e b e e n m a d e in each o f th e s e field s a n d , by fo c u sin g o n w ork fro m d iffe re n t v ie w p o in ts, h a v e re n d e re d c le a r th e c o m p le x ity o f th e p ro b lem . T h e h is to ria n of w o rk m u s t b e fa m ilia r w ith th e se d iffe re n t tra d itio n s a n d in c o rp o ra te th e m into h e r re sea rc h , and th is is n o t alw ay s easy.
S eco n d , g iv e n th e fu n d a m e n ta l p o litic a l a n d e c o n o m ic im p lic a tio n s o f b e in g d e fin e d o r no t as a " w o rk e r" in c a p ita lis t societies, m u c h political d e b a te h as c e n te re d in th e last tw o decades u p o n conflicting v iew s o f "p ro d u c tio n " a n d c o n flic tin g d e fin itio n s o f "w o rk e r". In fact, th e re is p ro b a b ly no oth er a c a d e m ic su b je c t in flu en c ed to s u c h an e x ten t by p o litic a l d e b a te th a n th a t of w o rk . T h e w ay in w h ich to d a y 's sch o lars th in k of w o rk is to a larg e e x te n t th e result o f th e se p o litic s , a n d fo r th is re a so n th e s e th e o r e tic a l d e v e lo p m e n ts h a v e b e e n in c o rp o ra te d in to th e th eo retical fra m e w o rk as well.
T h e ev o lu tio n in th e w ay w o rk h as b e en co n ce p tu a liz ed by both a ca d e m ic d is c ip lin e s an d p o litic s can be s u m m a r iz e d , if in a v e ry sim p lifie d w a y , b y c o n s id e rin g th re e m a in d ev elo p m en ts: a first stage w h e re th e cen trality o f w o rk w as re c o g n ise d b u t it w a s id e n tifie d w ith w a g ed w o rk , a n d w o rk ers as w a g e w o rk e rs; a seco n d stag e in w hich n o n -m a rk e t w o rk w a s reco g n ised , as w ell as th e fact th a t this w as m a in ly d o n e in fam ilies. A n d a th ird stag e in w hich th e n o tio n s o f c o n flic tin g in te re s ts u s u a lly a p p lie d to th e " fa c to ry -w o rk p la c e " h a s b e e n im p o rte d into th e a n aly sis of fam ilies, d e fin e d now as p laces o f econom ic conflict as m u c h as la b o u r m a rk e ts are.
S tu d ie s o n w o m e n 's w ork h a v e fo llo w e d a p a ra lle l trajecto ry , fro m th e first M a rx ist fem in ist s tu d ie s on w o m e n 's p re sen c e in the la b o u r m o v e m e n ts, to th e s tu d ie s on w o m e n 's in v o lv e m e n t in a g ric u ltu re , in d u s trie s an d serv ice s o f all k in d s , to the g ra d u a l reco g n itio n th a t w o m e n h a v e ab o v e all w o rk ed o u ts id e th e la b o u r m a rk e t, in th e fam ily, to the a tte m p t to a cc o u n t fo r the m e c h a n ism s
b e h in d the p e rsiste n t g e n d e r d iv isio n of lab o u r.
I w ill fo llo w th e s e th re e b asic id e a s to d e s c rib e a n d in te r p r e t t h e a ssu m p tio n s of th e c o n te m p o ra ry lite ra tu re o n w o rk a n d o n w o rk o rg a n iz a tio n . T his is n o t a n 'e v o lu t io n is t ' in te r p r e ta tio n o f th e h is to r io g r a p h y , b u t t h e reco g n isitio n th a t th e re h a v e been so m e fu n d a m e n ta l d e v e lo p m e n ts , th a t h a v e taken place to a large e x te n t in resp o n se to th e p reced in g lite ra tu re , an d c a n n o t b e u n d e rsto o d w ith o u t re feren ce to it.
1. Labour as w ag e la b o u r
E conom ics p re c e d e d h isto ry in its in te re s t in w o rk . In fact, " e v e r s in c e econom ics em erg ed as a d istin c t field of in q u iry , a p a rt from th e b ro a d e r re a lm o f m o ral a n d social p h ilo s o p h y , no o th e r sin g le factor h a s o c c u p ie d so c e n tra l a n analytical role as has la b o u r 4 5. E stablished in th e 18th c e n tu ry by A dam S m ith a s 'th e o rig in al p rice of e v e r y th in g ', la b o u r d o m in a te d classical eco n o m ics for t h e next century.
T he seco n d of th e 'c la ssic a l' in te rp re ta tio n s o f w o rk o rg a n iz a tio n w a s p ro v id e d by h isto ry . T h e h is to ria n s ' in te re st in the w o rld o f w o rk e rs m a rk e d a re v o lu tio n in a d is c ip lin e tra d itio n a lly d e v o te d to a n a ly se s of p o litical e v e n ts an d th e b e h a v io u r of e lite s. This in te re st d e v e lo p e d as a c o n se q u e n c e of a n in te re s t in the c o n d itio n s o f the w o rk in g class and w a s d e e p ly in flu en ced b y M arx ism , a political m o v e m e n t and a th e o ry o f political c h an g e th a t had its o w n in te rp re ta tio n of th e h isto ric a l process 5.
T h e tra d itio n of h isto ric a l s tu d ie s o f th e w o rk in g class s ta rte d in th e la te 19th c e n tu r y 6, a n d h a s c o n tin u e d w ell in to th e p re s e n t c e n tu ry . A n im p o rta n t
4 p- J- McNulty, The Origins and Development of Labor Economics, p. 2.
5 In fact, some of the first historical accounts of capitalist development are by Marxist theoreticians, such as Engels' The condition of the Working Class in England (1844) and Lenin's The Development of Capitalism in Russia (1899).
6 The works by J. L. and B. Hammond, The Village Labourer and The Skilled L ab o u rer, and
S. and B. Webb, History Of Trade Unionism (1894) and Industrial Democracy (1898), are considered
as the pioneers of this scholarly tradition.
re n o v a tio n to o k p la c e d u r in g th e 1 9 6 0 's, w h e n w o rk s w e r e p u b lis h e d t h a t fo c u sed on w o rk in g c lasses, in the p lu ra l, " a s d istin c t from la b o u r o rg a n iz a tio n s an d m o v e m e n ts " 7.
M arx 's th e o ry w a s an analysis of th e cap italist m o d e o f p ro d u c tio n , a n d th e c a p ita lis t re la tio n s o f p r o d u c tio n th a t e m e rg e d fro m th e E n g lish in d u s tr i a l re v o lu tio n of th e 18th c en tu ry . H e d e fin e d la b o u r as th e o n ly c o m m o d ity o w n e d by w o rk e rs, w h o , forced to exchange it in th e m ark et fo r a p ric e th a t w as less th a n its v a lu e , w ere e x p lo ite d by the cap italist-o w n e rs of th e m e a n s o f p ro d u c tio n .
Like M arx, s u b s e q u e n t M arx ist h is to ria n s c o n s id e re d " la b o u r" as w a g e la b o u r, an d w o rk e rs as w a g e w orkers. T h e y d escrib ed th e w o rk in g class b o rn o f in d u s tria liz a tio n as th e (only) a g en t o f p ro d u c tio n a n d , as social classes w e re d e f in e d b y th e ir r e la tio n to the m e a n s o f p ro d u c tio n , th e (only) v ic tim o f e x p lo ita tio n an d u ltim a te ly the (only) a g e n t o f political re v o lu tio n .
F am ily h a d no ro le. In The o rig in o f th e Fam ily. P riv a te p ro p e rty a n d th e S tate (1884), E ngels fo rec ast their d is a p p e a ra n c e w ith th e im m in e n t e x p an sio n o f th e m a rk e t. M o re o v e r, as th e m a in c o n c e rn of M arx ist h is to ria n s w a s w ith c ritic iz in g the w o rk in g co n d itio n s g e n e r a te d by c a p ita lism , p re c a p ita lis t w o rk , a n d e sp e c ia lly fam ily w o rk sh o p s o r farm s, w as o ften d e sc rib e d in an id e a liz e d w ay , stre ssin g c o o p e ra tio n , dignity a n d w o rk e r au to n o m y .
T h e s e id e a s , in p a r tic u la r th e a b s e n c e o f n o n - m a r k e t w o rk , w e re in c re a s in g ly c r itic iz e d fro m the 1970's. M arx ist fe m in is t h is to r ia n s w h o c h a lle n g e d th e v is io n o f th e m ale fa c to ry w o rk e r o f h is to r ia n s su ch as E.P. T h o m p so n o r Eric H o b sb a w m , w ere h o w e v e r d isa p p o in te d a t th e ir lack o f im p a c t u p o n th is h is to rio g ra p h y . In 1979, so m e o f th e m lam en ted th a t H o b sb aw m
still says of the working-class woman: 'Once married, she belonged to the
proletariat not as a w orker, but as a wife, mother, and housekeeper of workers.' (...)
Relegated to the home, women and the domestic sphere itself may be ignored; domestic labour, kinship, childrearing, all of which impinge on and mould relations of production,
7 E. Hobsbawm, preface to Labouring Men. Studies in the History of Labour (1964), p. vii.
Probably the most influential of them is E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working C\a**
(1963).
are denied a presence in labour or socialist history. 8
In Spain, th is p o s itio n is w ell re p re s e n te d by Jo sep F o n ta n a . In h is b o o k H is to ria , he d ism isse d g e n d e r h isto ry (in p a rtic u la r h e re fe rs to Tilly a n d S c o t t 's W o m en , W ork a n d F a m ily ) w ith a few lin e s an d on lin g u istic g ro u n d s : th e f a c t th a t th ere exists in sp o k e n lan g u ag e a d iffe re n t w ord fo r u p p e r a n d w o rk in g c l a s s w o m e n (señora a n d m u j e r ) w o u ld m e a n th a t class is th e o n ly 're a l re a lity ', a n d g e n d e r an in v en tio n to b e d ism issed . 9 ln h is latest b o o k h e in c lu d e s th e " s t u d i e s on w o m e n " a m o n g th e " c u rre n t a c a d e m ic fash io n s", to g e th e r w ith " s tu d ie s o n s e x u a lity a n d m a r r ia g e (...) c h ild h o o d (w ith s tu d ie s o n c h ild d e l i v e r y , b reastfeed in g (...) on illn esses (...) m a d n e ss (...) death , etc." 10.
Like m o st M a rx ist h is to ria n s , F o n ta n a refu ses to a p p ly th e m a te r ia l i s t a n a ly sis h e d e fe n d s to th e social p o s itio n o f m en a n d w o m e n . In o th e r w o r d s , so m e relatio n s a re social, h en ce a le g itim a te subject for h isto ric a l research a n d f o r p o litic a l action, o th e rs a re n a tu ra l (biological ?), hence n o t a n h isto ric a l p r o b le m n o r a subject of p o litical change.
2. T h e re c o g n itio n o f d o m estic w o rk as w o rk
For social sc ie n tis ts c o n cern ed w ith th e g e n d er d iv is io n of la b o u r in th e 7 0 's, th e first ta sk w a s to re c o g n ize h o u s e w o rk as w o rk . T h a t th is seem s a n o b v io u s fact to d a y is o n ly a p ro o f o f h o w far th e subject h as com e. Yet on ly tw o 8 9 *
8 S. Alexander, A. Davin, E. Hostettler, “Labouring Women: A Reply to Eric Hobsbawm", History Workshop. 8, 1979, p. 175, my underline. Similar points were made by Joan W. Scott with reference to E. P. Thompson in “Women in The Making of the English Working Class", reprinted in Gender and the Politics of History.
9 According to Fontana, in their book “the attempt to follow the changes in the role of the woman with respect to work results totally frustrated by the mistake of assuming that the
"woman" is a group totally undifferentiated, forgetting that work cannot be considered making abstraction of the class distinctions among women: that there are, to say it in the terms of common language (that represents a cristalization of the rules of the social game) 'women' and 'ladies'". J. Fontana, Historia. Análisis del pasado y provecto social , p. 176.
10 And concludes: "It is not that these aspects had not been taken into account by history before, but they tend now to separate themselves, to close on themselves, isolating themselves from the global study of society." J. Fontana, La historia después del fin de la historia. 1992, p. 84.
d e c a d e s ag o d o m e stic w o rk w as n o t s e e n as w o rk . In fa c t, it w as a fe m in is t " d is c o v e ry " of th e 1970's. The th e o re tic al (a n d political) im p o rta n c e of d e fin in g h o u s e w o rk as w o rk w a s en o rm o u s, b e c a u se it w as th e e n d o f th e u n d e rs ta n d in g of w o r k as w age w o rk, A s D elphy p o in te d o u t in 1978:
"The literature on housework grows each year (...) it is agreed, on the one hand, that housework is work (and that this is indeed the reason why it is being considered) and
on the other hand that it is free/unpaid (which is why recognizing it as work was not
automatic, but rather constituted a great step forward and a scientific discovery)"11 .
In th e fo llo w in g y e ars, this re d e fin itio n of w o rk b e g a n to be in c o rp o ra te d by th e social sciences. In 1974, sociologist A n n O akley c o n c lu d e d h er research o n h o u se w o rk : "T he p rin c ip a l aim of th is s tu d y w as to c o n c e p tu a liz e h o u se w o rk as w o rk , ra th e r th a n sim p ly an aspect of th e fem in in e ro le in m a rria g e . In th is w a y [this s tu d y ] d iffers fro m p re v io u s so cio lo g ical su rv e y s of fam ily life or w o m e n 's d o m e stic s itu a tio n " !2.
O n c e th e d ic h o to m y fa m ily /w o r k th a t ex isted u n til th e 70's h a d b e e n o v e rc o m e , a n d th e c h a r a c te r of u n p a id w o rk of h o u s e w o r k re c o g n iz e d , th e p ro b le m w a s to e x p la in w h y a g e n d e r d iv is io n o f w o rk , in w h ich w o m e n re m a in e d a t h o m e w h ile m en w ere in th e m ark et, ex isted . T h e p e rsiste n c e in to d a y 's society o f an im p o rta n t p ercen tag e o f the fem ale p o p u la tio n w ho d e v e lo p th e ir p ro d u c tiv e life o u ts id e the m ark et, w o rk in g u n p a id in h o u se h o ld s in o rd e r to s u p p ly th e ir m e m b e rs w ith g o o d s a n d serv ices, w as fir s t re c o g n iz e d as a p ro b le m for eco n o m ics. 13
T w o m ain e x p la n a tio n s d e v elo p e d to account fo r this: M arx ists d e sc rib e d th e g e n d e r d iv is io n o f la b o u r as c a u s e d b y th e m a rk e t a n d fu n c tio n a l to c a p ita lism . The fact th a t w o m e n w o rk e d o u ts id e the m a rk e t a s u n p a id d o m e stic w o rk e rs w as a m a rk e t m ech an ism , from w h ic h cap italism b e n efited : by k e e p in g * 12 13
11 Delphy, "Housework or domestic work", in Close to Home, p. 78. 12 A. Oakley, The Sociology of Housework. 1974.
13 For the different accounts of women's position in economic activity, Alice H. Amsden, ed., The economics of Women and Work, with US contributions, and Andrée Michel, ed., Les femmes dans la société marchande.
a n im p o rta n t p a r t of th e p o p u la tio n w o rk in g u n p a id fo r th e so cial r e p r o d u c t i o n o f w o rk ers, c a p ita lists w e re able to p a y m u c h low er w a g e s to m a le w o rk e rs , a n d h en ce increase th e ir ra te o f profit. 14
N e o classical e c o n o m ists a lso in c lu d e d h o u s e h o ld s a s a b asic u n it f o r e co n o m ic a n aly sis. In G a ry B eck er's th e o ry of fam ily , th e g e n d e r d iv is io n o f la b o u r w a s e x p la in e d w ith in th e fr a m e w o r k of e c o n o m ic r a tio n a lity a n d in d iv id u a l c h o ice s a n d d e sc rib e d as fu n c tio n a l to in d iv id u a ls a n d f a m ilie s , w h ic h w ere c o o p e ra tiv e u n its. H u m a n c a p ita l th eo rists in c o rp o ra te d th is a n a l y s i s in to th e ir ow n: 15
an individual's use of time, and particularly the allocation of time between market and nonmarket activities, is also best understood within the context of the family as a matter of interdependence with needs, activities, and characteristics of other family members. More generally, the family is viewed as an economic unit which shares consumption and allocates production at home and in the market as well as the investments in physical and human capital of its members. In this view, the behavior of the family unit implies a division of labor within it. Broadly speaking, this division of labor or 'differentiation of roles' emerges because the attempts to promote family life are necessarily constrained by complementarity and substitution relations in the household production process and by comparative advantages due to differential skills and earning powers with which family members are endowed.16
By d e sc rib in g e d u c a tio n as a n in v e s tm e n t p ro c e ss fu n d a m e n ta l fo r t h e s o c ie ty 's d e v e lo p m e n t a n d in d iv id u a ls ' p o s s ib ilitie s in th e la b o u r m a r k e t, h u m a n capital th e o ry c h a n g e d o u r v isio n o f th e econom ic a n d social sig n ifican ce of o n e o f the b asic fu n c tio n s of fam ilies, ra isin g ch ild re n , a n d p ro v id e d a n e w v isio n o f th e lin k s b e tw e e n fam ilies a n d m a rk e ts 17.
Yet th e p ro b le m re m a in e d of th e in te rp re ta tio n of th e fam ily d iv isio n o f la b o u r. T he v isio n of th e g e n d e r d iv isio n o f la b o u r as c o m p le m e n ta r ity is w o rth a n a ly z in g , b e c a u se it a p p e a r s , e x p lic itly o r, m o re u s u a lly , im p licitly , in m a n y e c o n o m ic a n d h is to ry w o rk s . Its su ccess, o f co u rse, lies in th e fact th a t su ch a
14 For Marxist accounts of women's position in the labour market, Larguia and Dumoulin, 15 Becker, A Treatise on the Family.
16 J. Mincer and S. Polachek,''Family Investments in Human Capital: Earnings of Women", p. 169.
17 For a summary on the literature on human capital, J. Mincer and S. Polachek, Ibid.
v ie w d e n ie s conflict.
3. Families as sites of conflict
W h ilst th e e co n o m ic fu n ctio n s o f fam ilies h a v e b e e n g e n erally a c c e p te d , h o w fam ilies fu n c tio n in te rn a lly as p ro d u c tiv e an d re d is trib u tiv e u n its is m u c h less a g re e d u p o n . A n in te rp re ta tio n of fam ilies as e co n o m ic in s titu tio n s a n d in w h ic h fam ily m e m b e rs h a d co n flictin g in te re sts w a s r e n d e r e d d ifficu lt by th e " n a t u r a l " v is io n o f fa m ilie s e m b e d d e d in b o th n e o c la s s ic a l a n d M a r x is t c o n c e p tio n s , w h ic h in tu r n re p r o d u c e d th e C h ris tia n v is io n of fa m ilie s as n a tu ra l G o d -o rd a in e d in stitu tio n s. 18
In th e 1970's h o w e v e r, u n d e r the in flu en c e of th e fe m in ist m o v e m e n t a n d th e o ry , th e a s s u m p tio n of fa m ilie s as n o n -c o n flic tu a l u n i t s w as s e r io u s ly c h allen g e d .
T h e w o rk s b y C h ristin e D elp h y a n d o th e r fem in ist so cio lo g ists q u e stio n e d so m e o f th e tra d itio n a l a ss u m p tio n s of th is d iscip lin e, su ch as the d e fin itio n o f fa m ilie s as u n its o f c o n su m p tio n a n d m e a s u re s o f social stra tific a tio n . 19 By d e s c rib in g th e in te rn a l h ierarch ical s tru c tu re of c o n te m p o ra ry p e a sa n t fa m ilie s, so m e o f th ese w o rk s c h allen g e d th e id e a th a t c o rre sid en c e, c o n sid e re d a b asic fe a tu re o f fam ilies, in d ic a tes a sh ared s ta n d a rd of living for all fam ily m em b ers.
In 1982 e c o n o m is t N an cy F o lb re c ritiz e d th e M a rx ist a s s u m p tio n th a t e x p lo ita tio n o c c u rs o n ly in th e m a rk e t, a n d s u g g e s te d th e s tu d y o f fa m ily m e c h a n is m s of in te rn a l d is trib u tio n . 20 A t th e sam e tim e th a t th e the n o tio n o f
fa m ilie s as h a v e n s o f N a tu r e a n d S e n tim e n t fa d e d , th e im a g e of m o d e r n e c o n o m ie s as i n te g r a te d by a n o n y m o u s W o rk e rs p r o d u c in g in F a c to rie s 18 * 20
18 For an economic interpretation of the Christian model of family life, M. A. Durán, "Una
lectura económica de fray Luis de León",
19C. Delphy, "Sharing the same table: consumption and the family", reprinted in Close to Home. A materialist analysis of women's oppression. The historical debate on the standard of living of the working populations assumes this.
20 N. Folbre, "Exploitation comes home: a critique of the Marxian theory of family labour", Cambridge Journal of Economics. 6,1982.
v a n is h e d .
T hese th e o re tic a l d e v e lo p m e n ts in th e fie ld o f e c o n o m ic s h a d a n im p o r ta n t im p a c t o n th e w a y e c o n o m ists a n a ly z e d la b o u r m a rk e ts . L a b o u r e co n o m ists, for in sta n c e , id e n tifie d a n u m b e r of fe a tu re s o f la b o u r m a r k e ts i n in d u s tria liz e d e c o n o m ie s th a t c o u ld n o t b e e x p lain ed by s u p p ly a n d d e m a n d m e c h a n ism s. S e g m e n ta tio n th e o ry o f th e la b o u r m a rk e t a r g u e d th a t l a b o u r m a rk e ts w ere d iv id e d in to d ifferen t " s e g m e n ts '7, to w h ic h d iff e r e n t w a g e r a t e s a n d m a rk e t b e h a v io u r a re attach ed 2 1.
D ev elo p m e n t e c o n o m ists a rg u e d th a t tra d itio n a l c a te g o rie s for d e f i n i n g w o rk sim p ly do n o t fit th e reality o f w o rk o f T h ird W o rld e co n o m ies, w h e re s t i l l m o st peo p le, m en an d w o m e n , w o rk re g u la rly o u tsid e th e m a rk e t. 22
U n p aid h o u s e w o rk is in creasin g ly p re s e n t in eco n o m ic an aly sis, e s p e c ia lly sin ce ch an g es in its s u p p ly are b e in g d e sc rib e d a lo n g w ith th e e x p a n s io n o f m a rk e t relations o f p ro d u c tio n , so as to in c lu d e tasks th a t w e re tra d itio n a lly o u t of th e m ark et, su ch as re p ro d u c tiv e w o rk , c a rin g w ork, etc. 23.
Historical accounts of the organization of work
In th eir a tte m p t to b u ild a m o re re a listic a cc o u n t of th e o rg a n iz a tio n o f w o rk in the past, g e n d e r h isto rian s relied o n m a n y sources. In th e first place, t h e y re tr ie v e d th e first a c c o u n ts of w o m e n 's w o rk from th e b e g in n in g of th e 2 0t h c e n tu r y , m o st of th em b y E n g lish -sp e ak in g a u th o rs , su ch as O liv e S chreiner a n d A lice C lark . 24
21 M. Reich, D. Gordon, R. Edwards, "A Theory of Labor Market Segmentation", in A. H. Amsden, ed., The economics of women and work, pp. 232-241.
22 For a summary of the integration of these concepts in Economics, Lourdes Beneria, "Towards a Greater Integration of Gender in Economics", World Development. September 1995.
23 For instance, a recent article of N. Folbre on caring labour explores "the possibility that the expansion of competitive markets will eventually reduce its supply". "The paradox of caring labour", Feminist Economics. 1,1,1995.
24 Olive Schreiner, Woman and Labour, originally published in 1911, and Alice Clark, Working Life of Women in the Seventeenth- Century, in 1919. Ivy Pinchbeck's Women Workers a nr] the Industrial Revolution (1930) has been greatly influential. In Spain, Concepcion Arenai wrote in
T hese w o rk s w e re concerned w ith th e effects o f in d u s tria l w ork a n d w a g e la b o u r o n w o m e n . B ut, as m ale a u th o rs in s p ire d b y S o cialism h ad d o n e , th e y te n d e d to id e alize p re -in d u s tria l w o rk . In p a rtic u la r th e y id e a liz e d th e ro le o f w o m e n in p re -in d u s tria l w o rk , w h o w o u ld h a v e b een p u s h e d b y factory w o rk to a b a n d o n th eir h o m e s a n d th eir ch ild ren . 25
T h e s tu d y of w o m e n 's w o rk for th e m a rk e t led to th e re a liza tio n of th e co m p lex ities of w o m e n 's positio n as w a g e w o rk ers. First, m u c h of the w o rk d o n e by w o m e n for th e m a rk e t in early in d u s tria lis a tio n h a d n o t b e e n reco g n ized as su ch b y h isto ria n s b e c a u s e it w as d o n e a t h o m e. In fact, in its m ost ex trem e, o r 'p u r e ', v ersio n , th e d e fin itio n of w o rk as w a g e w o rk lin g ed u p o n the d e fin itio n of w a g e w o rk as facto ry w ork. As w o m e n h a d p la y e d a m a jo r role in d o m e stic m a n u fa c tu re s a n d serv ices for the m a rk e t (a n d the q u e stio n w h y this w as so w ill be a lso p o sed ) th e y h a d b een ignored by th e historical acc o u n ts of (factory) w o rk 26.
S econd, fem ale w a g e w ork, ev en w h e n it w as facto ry w o rk , th a t is, e v e n w h e n it w as "re al" w a g e w o rk , p re sen te d fe atu res th a t d iffered greatly fro m m a le w o rk . S tu d ies o n p ro to in d u s tria l areas s h o w e d th at w o m e n 's w o rk in g life cycle, for in s ta n c e , w a s d if f e r e n t from th a t o f m e n . The 'p in c e le u s e s ' of th e te x tile in d u s trie s of th e 18th c e n tu ry te n d e d to a b a n d o n in d u s tria l w o rk "soit p o u r se * 25 26
1884 the piece on Spanish women for The Woman question in Europe (New York, Putnam's Sons). Other attempts to dennounce working conditions of women were undertaken by writers suh as Emilia Pardo-Bazan, who described the work of cigar makers in the factory of La Coruna in La Tribuna.
25 These works "portray precapitalist conditions as superior to what followed". S. McMurry, "Women's Work in Agriculture: Divergent Trends in England and America, 1800 to 1930", p. 249. For McMurry, for instance, Pinchbeck argued "that the agricultural revolution of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, with its attendant specialization and enlarged scale, curtailed women's participation in the business of cheese participation." Yet "recent scholarship on the premodem period by Judith Bennet, Barbara Hanawalt, and others has seriously questioned the notion of a golden age for women in precapitalist society. In historiography, the picture of a consistent, unequivocal decline in women's status with capitalism is giving way to an analysis that not only emphasizes both change (whether improvement or decline) and continuity but also accounts for geographical, class, and occupational variation."
26 Leonore Davidoff, "The separation of home and work? Landladies and lodgers in nineteenth- and twentieth-century England", in S. Burman, ed., Fit work for women, pp. 64-97.
m a rie r, soit p o u r s 'e n g a g e r co m m e d o m e stiq u e s " 27.
T his w o rk p a tte r n , d iffe re n t fro m th a t of m ale w o r k e r s a n d a lso t r u e o f
o th e r sectors a n d re g io n s 28, a p p e a re d sy ste m a tic ally re la te d to h o u s e w o rk . F o r in s ta n c e , the y o u n g p in c e le u s e s b e in g h ir e d a t C h e v ro u x h a d to " a u p a r a v a n t p r o u v e r au b a r o n d e G ra n d c o u r q u 'e lle s n e n é g lig e a ie n t p a s p o u r cela l e u r s
foyers ni les tra v a u x d e s c h am p s."
T his ty p e of e v id e n c e led to th e c o n v ictio n th a t w o m e n 's m a rk e t w o r k
c o u ld n o t be u n d e rs to o d iso lated fro m th e ir "o th er" w o rk , (u n p a id ) h o u s e w o r k . A s a c o n se q u e n c e , h a v in g n o w g u a r a n te e d w o m e n th e ir s ta tu s as l e g i t i m a t e su b jec t of h isto rical re s e a rc h , a seco n d w a v e of historical s tu d ie s focused o n t h e c h arac te ristic s o f th e ir w o rk , an d ra ise d q u e stio n s a b o u t th e p e rm a n e n c e o f t h e se x u a l d iv isio n th e la b o u r m ark ets, w a g e differentials, etc.
H is to ria n s n o te d th a t w o m e n h a d b e e n the la b o u r force e m p lo y e d b y c a p ita lis t e n tre p re n e u rs in th e E nglish tex tile mills of th e late e ig h te en th c e n t u r y . T h is w a s not s u rp ris in g , since w o m e n w e re m uch c h e a p e r w o rk e rs th a n m e n a t th e tim e w h en la b o u r m a rk e ts d e v e lo p e d . A ccording to c a p ita list d y n am ics, t h e se a rc h for m a x im izin g p ro fit sh o u ld h av e led to a m assive h irin g of w o m en , a n d to th e su b se q u e n t fall in m e n 's w ag es. T h e rise of a la b o u r m a rk e t sh o u ld h a v e le d , th e n , to th e d is a p p e a ra n c e of w a g e d ifferen tia ls b e tw e e n m en an d w o m e n th r o u g h th e sim p le m e c h a n ism of w a g e eq u alizatio n .
T he q u e stio n th e n , w as, w h y d id th is n ev er h a p p e n ? W h y and ho w w a s th e in itia l te n d en c y to h ire w o m en in p re fe re n c e to m en re v e rse d ?
E v id en c e o n m e n o r g a n iz e d a r o u n d tra d e u n io n s a n d su cc e ed in g i n k e e p in g w o m en w o rk e rs o u ts id e th e b e tte r p a id sectors, in a s s u rin g h ig h er w a g e s fo r th e m se lv e s, w a s c o lle c te d . This c o n tra d ic tio n of th e b asic p rin c ip le of f r e e fu n c tio n in g of th e m a rk e t w a s in te rp re te d as th e resu lt o f a 'm a le p a c t' b e tw e e n
27 Pierre Caspard, "Les pinceleuses d'estavayer. Stratégies patronales sur le marché du travail féminin au XHIe siècle", Revue Suisse d'Histoire, 36 (1986), 2, pp. 121-156.
28 It has recently described for late nineteenth century Ireland, for instance. Bourke, From husbandry to housewifery. Ireland. 1875-1925.1994.
c a p ita lis ts an d w o rk e rs 29. M ost im p o r ta n tly , it ra is e d n e w q u e stio n s o n th e c o n flic tin g in te re sts o f m e n and w o m e n in th e lab o u r m a rk e t a n d re in fo rced th e im p re ssio n th a t m e n a n d w o m en w e re d iffe re n t 'ty p e s ' of w a g e w orkers.
A fu n d a m e n ta l lin e of research h a s b e e n the h isto ric a l c o n stru c tio n of th e e co n o m ic categ o ries o f " d e p e n d a n t" a n d "activ e", o r b re a d w in n e r. The c h a ra c te r of w o m e n a n d c h ild r e n as d e p e n d a n ts o f a b r e a d w in n e r h a s b e e n r ig h tly d e sc rib e d as a social c o n stru ctio n w ith im p o rta n t political im p lic a tio n s 29 30.
F am ily w o rk in h is to ry
Som e of th e se d e v e lo p m e n ts w e re in c o rp o ra te d b y h is to ria n s in to th e ir re sea rc h es. On o ccasio n , this in c o rp o ra tio n to o k place in an a lm o st 's p o n ta n e o u s ' w ay w h e n som e of th e tra d itio n a l a ss u m p tio n s of h isto ry w e re bein g c h a lle n g e d by h isto ric a l ev id en ce itself.
By the 1970's it w a s clear th a t w age w o rk ers h ad n o t b e e n the only a g e n ts o f the w o rk o rg a n iz a tio n o f th e first in d u s tria liz a tio n . The d e b a te on the tra n s itio n from fe u d a lism to c a p ita lism , in itia te d in th e late 1940's b y M au rice D o b b , a n d c o n tin u e d in th e 1970's w ith the 'B re n n e r d e b a te ', s u g g e s te d th a t the 'E n g lis h m o d e l' o f eco n o m ic c h a n g e w as n o t s h a re d by the rest o f E u ro p e a n c o u n trie s , w h e re p e a s a n t fa m ilie s h o ld in g sm all p lo ts , n o t d a y la b o u re rs , h a d fo rm ed th e m a jo rity of the a g ric u ltu ra l p o p u la tio n . T h is obliged h is to ria n s to set lim its to a n th e u n d e r s ta n d in g o f in d u s tria liz a tio n a s th e m a ssiv e tr a n s fo rm a tio n o f th e p o p u la tio n into w a g e d w o rk ers. 31
In th e first s ta g e s o f th e ir in te r e s t in th e fam ily , b o th h is to ria n s a n d e c o n o m ists relied on th e w o rk s of d e m o g ra p h e rs a n d fam ily h isto ria n s. W h ilst th e se w o rk s o fte n ta k e fo r g ra n te d th e in s titu tio n th a t is th e subject o f th e ir
29 Hartmann, "Capitalism, patriarchy and job segregation by sex", in Z. Eisenstein (ed.), Capitalist Patriarchy and the case for Socialist Patriarchy. N. York, 1979.
30 Folbre, "Nineteenth-century censuses and the construction of the dependent wife". 31 For a summary of this debate, The Brenner debate. Agrarian Class Structure and Economic Development in Pre-Industrial Europe.
re se a rc h , lim itin g th e m se lv e s to d e sc rib e ch an g es in th e size o f th e fam ily g r o u p s p a tte r n s of re sid e n c e , etc., a n d ig n o rin g in tra-fam ily c o n flic ts 32, fa m ily h i s t o r y h a s a tra d itio n o f in te re st in fam ily w o rk . 33
H o w e v e r, th e e n tra n c e of th e fa m ily into classical h is to ric a l a c c o u n ts o f
in d u s tria lis a tio n w a s d iffic u lt a n d slo w . F irst, because th e c a te g o rie s a n d t h e o r i e s u p o n w h ic h eco n o m ics a n d h isto ry w e re b a se d a ssu m e d th e m a rk e t as th e c e n t e r of eco n o m ic activ ity . T h e tra d itio n a l M arx ist in te rp re ta tio n o f a tra n sitio n f r o m a fe u d a l m o d e of p r o d u c tio n in w h ic h p e a s a n ts w ere e x p lo ite d b y th e lo rd , t o a c a p ita lis t m o d e , in w h ic h w a g e w o rk e rs w e re ex p lo ited b y c a p ita lists, left l i t t l e ro o m fo r fam ilies. B ut e v id e n c e o n th e c o n tin u ity of th e fa m ily farm , e s p e c i a l l y in c o n tin e n ta l E u ro p e , h a d to be a c c o u n te d for. B ren n er's a tte m p t exem plifies t h e d iffic u ltie s of M a rx ist th e o ry to c o p e w ith the fam ily, p a rtic u la rly th e p e a s a n t
fa m ily , as a u n it of p ro d u c tio n :
with the development of artificial fertilizers and the growth of biological knowledge towards the end of the nineteenth century, the small family farm obtained positive advantages in certain types of production (...) the small family farmer could apply a quality and care in labour necessary for animal production which was usually unattainable on capitalist farms using wage labour. 34
Som e y e a rs later, p ro to -in d u s tria l th e o rists such as P e te r K riedte d e s c rib e d s ix te e n th c en tu ry E u ro p e a n society as b a se d on
the dominance of a peasant economy organized on a family basis (...) The peasant family was the basic unit of production. It tended to be composed of the two parents and their children. The nuclear family was the general rule. (...) The peasant tried to strike a balance between the labour potential of his family on the one hand, and on the other its own culturally determined needs as well as obligations towards other persons and institutions. If this balance became upset, he had to redress it by increasing the family's
32 "women's history sees the dichotomy between men and women as both a research area and a problem, whereas family history or demography, on the contrary, tend to see the family as a functional unit in harmony." Wikander, "On Women's History and economic History",
Scandinavian Economic History Review. 2,1990, p. 67.
33 P. Laslett and R. Wall defined in 1972 families as work groups, "people who live together associated for productive purposes", in their Household and Family in past tune, p. 291.
34 Brenner (ed.), The Brenner debate, p. 323.
By fo cu sin g o n ru ra l in d u stry a n d th e strateg ies of p e a s a n t fam ilies, p ro to - in d u s tria liz a tio n th e o ry d escrib ed fa m ilie s as u n its o f p r o d u c tio n a n d in c o m e g e n e ra tio n as a co llectiv e process. In th e la st d ecad e, a n u m b e r of su ch s tu d ie s , lik e t h a t of G a y G u llic k s o n o n th e F re n c h te x tile v illa g e o f A u fra y , h a v e c o n firm e d the im p o r ta n t c o n trib u tio n o f b o th m en a n d w o m e n to th e s u rv iv a l of p e a s a n t an d in d u s tria l fam ilies.
M a n y o f th e s e w o rk s w e re p a r t o f th e la rg e r e ffo rt o f h is to ria n s to re c o n s tru c t w o m e n 's w o rk in g p ast. By d e sc rib in g th e c o n trib u tio n of all fam ily m e m b e rs to fam ily in co m e, these a n a ly se s d e m o stra te d th a t th e im p ro v e m e n t o f liv in g c o n d itio n s , a n d so m etim es e v e n th e v ery su rv iv a l o f fam ilies, d e p e n d e d n o t u p o n the w o rk o f th e h ead of th e h o u s e h o ld , b u t u p o n th e jo in t e ffo rt of all its m e m b e rs. Jo an Scott a n d L ouise Tilly o p e n e d th e ir p io n e e r b o o k on w o m e n 's w o rk w ith a q u o te stre ssin g the fact th a t w o m e n h ad p a rtic ip a te d in p ro d u c tio n b efo re as w ell as d u rin g th e in d u stria liz a tio n .
Yet th ese w o rk s w e re no t sim p ly a v in d ic a tio n of w o m e n 's w o rk in g p a st. T h e y w e re a lso p u t t i n g fo rw a rd a n interpretation o f the g e n d e r division o f l a b o u r a s c o m p l e m e n t a r i t y o f w o r k i n g roles.
S ch o lars su c h as T am a ra H a re v e n h a d a lre a d y a rg u e d for the in d u s tr ia l secto r th a t a c o m p le m e n ta rity existed b e tw e e n w o rk d o n e b y th e d ifferen t fam ily m e m b e rs 36. A lth o u g h a sexual d iv isio n o f la b o u r ex isted in e a rly factory w o rk , e a rn in g s m ad e b y b o th m e n and w o m en w e re eq u ally fu n d a m e n ta l to th e fam ily, an d to a large e x te n t th e fam ily's cap acity to re p ro d u c e itself d e p e n d e d u p o n th e c ap a c ity of all its m e m b e rs to engage in w a g e w ork.
W o m e n 's w o rk o n p e a s a n t fa rm s w a s also in te r p r e te d as e v id e n c e o f w o m e n 's e q u ality w ith m e n . The title of G u llic k so n 's b o o k , in w h ich th e g e n d e r d iv is io n o f la b o u r is d e sc rib e d th ro u g h th e ta sk s p e rfo m e d b y w o m e n a n d m en ,
labour input; this could reach the dimensions of 'self-exploitation' (A. V. Chayanov). 35
35 p. Kriedte, Peasants. Landlords and Merchant Capitalists. Europe and the World
Economy. 1500-1800. p.l.
36 T. Hareven, Family Time and Industrial Time. Cambridge University Press, 1982
S p in n e rs an d W e a v e rs o f A u f r a y . im p lie s precisely this: m e n a n d w o m e n d i d d if f e r e n t ta s k s ( w o m e n s p u n , m e n w o v e ), b u t b o th ta s k s w e r e e q u a l l y fu n d a m e n ta l fo r th e fin a l cloth, e q u a lly im p o rta n t. G u llic k s o n w as in th is w a y a ss u m in g S co tt's a n d T illy 's a cco u n t on th e p e rsiste n t d iv is io n of w o rk b e t w e e n m e n a n d w o m e n : " A lth o u g h th e jobs th e y p e rfo rm e d m a y h a v e d iffe re d , t h e w o rk of h u s b a n d a n d w ife w as e q u ally n e ce ssa ry to th e h o u s e h o ld " 37.
T h is i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of th e g e n d e r d iv isio n o f la b o u r h a s b e e n v e r y p e r v a s iv e . Je a n Q u a t a e r t , w r itin g o n 1 8 th c e n tu r y S a x o n h o m e w e a v e r s , c o n c lu d e s:
the preindustrial, subsistence peasant world relied on considerable sex role divisions. Men's work and women's work existed separately (...) yet e a c h individual in the household provided indispensable services to the survival of the whole: the death of one member put extraordinary strains on the household unit. Men and women
were crucial productive members of this peasant family economy. 37 38
A v a ria tio n of th e " w o m e n 's fu n d a m e n ta l role" p o s itio n , very s u c c e s s f u l in th e 1980's, fo cu sed o n p e asa n t eco n o m ies to argue th a t w o m e n had a " s p e c i a l re la tio n s h ip w ith th e so il". The e th n o g ra p h e r M. Segalen, u s in g m ainly p r o v e r b s a n d say in g s as a so u rc e to p ro v e h e r p o in t o n love b e tw ee n p e a s a n t h u sb an d a n d w ife in 19th -cen tu ry F ran ce, affirm s:
Woman's place in the rural family is unique, too. It will become evident that, though the law made her inferior, she was, in fact, viewed as a producer, and, as such, had a special relationship with the soil. Whatever th e economic level of the farm, its future largely depended on woman's labour. 39
Such sta te m e n ts w o u ld seem to im p ly th at the fact of b e in g a p ro d u c e r ( a s w o m e n w ere, a n d in a re a s o f m ale o u tm ig r a tio n o ften th e m a in o r o n ly a d u l t p r o d u c e r o f the farm ) p re c lu d e s th e p o ssib ility of h a v in g an in fe rio r positio n . I n fact, a s S eg alen h e r s e lf m e n tio n s in p a s s in g , h isto ric a l e v id e n c e sh o w s t h a t
37 L. A. Tilly and J. Scott, Women. Work and Family, p. 53.
38 Jean H. Quataert, "Teamwork in Saxon homeweaving families in the nineteenth
century. A preliminary investigation into the issue of gender roles", p. 4.
39 Segalen, Love and Power in the Peasant Family. Rural France in the Nineteenth Century, p. 2.
w o m e n w e re b o th p ro d u c e rs a n d (leg ally , e co n o m ic a lly , c u ltu ra lly ) in fe rio r to th e ir m en fo lk .
T h is v is io n h a s b e e n ch allen g ed b y o th e r a n th r o p o lo g is ts w o rk in g o n p e a s a n t fam ilies. L o u rd e s M éndez, w o rk in g o n a s m a ll p e a s a n t c o m m u n ity in G a licia, in N o rth e rn S p a in , refers to th is in te r p r e ta tio n o f th e p e a s a n t fa m ily d iv isio n of la b o u r as co m p le m en ta ry and to th e " p e a s a n t w ife 's p o w er":
Segalen (1980) talks about the complementarity between man and woman in the rural milieu, particularly regarding the work distribution; Verdier (1979) defends the so-called 'feminine arts' and considers them as an indicator of a feminine power; Weiner (1983) insists on the feminine power (...) I found peasant women without any acknowledged social power, without any weight in the decision-making process, and women farmers who became 'helpers of the head of the farm' in the local census (...) I was not in front of a loss of power but in front of a non-power.40
I w o u ld a rg u e th a t the d e sire to c o n trib u te to th e re c o g n itio n of th e im p o r ta n c e of w o m e n 's w o rk , a n d w o m e n 's c o n tr i b u t i o n to p r o d u c tio n , p r e v io u s ly d e n ie d o r ig n o re d , le d th e s e h is to r ia n s in to th e v o lu n ta r is tic a ffir m a tio n of 'w o m e n 's ag en cy ', a n d th e d e n ia l o f w o m e n 's 'p a ssiv e ro le ' in h isto ry , a n d specifically in econom ic life.
T h e im p o r ta n t c o n trib u tio n o f th e se w o rk s c a n n o t b e ig n o re d . W o m e n 's w o rk , in b o th p e a s a n t a n d ru ral in d u stria l fam ilies, h a s b e e n v a lu e d a n d a first a tte m p t to d e sc rib e in its com plexity h ad b e e n m a d e. Yet th e ir in te rp re ta tio n is c o m p le te ly m isle a d in g b e ca u se it im p lie s th a t from th e fact th a t w o m e n (an d o ften c h ild re n ) w o rk e d a t least as h a rd as m e n d id c an be d e d u c e d th at w o m e n w o rk e d in the sam e c o n d itio n s and w ith th e sam e eco n o m ic a n d social re su lts as m en.
By fo c u sin g on th e w o rk d o n e by e a c h fam ily m e m b e r, iso la tin g w o rk from th e legal a n d e co n o m ic fram ew o rk in w h ic h w o m e n a n d m en w o rk e d , o r ig n o r in g e v id e n c e o f th is , these w o rk s s u g g e s t t h a t e c o n o m ic a n d so cia l d iffe re n c e s in th e ir s ta tu s w ere n o n -e x isten t b efo re th e e x p a n s io n of th e la b o u r m a rk e t. In o th er w o rd s , it is assum ed th at th e y w ere c a u se d b y it.
40 Lourdes Méndez, 'Cousas de mulleres'. Campesinas, poder v vida cotidiana (Lugo 1940-
By in sistin g u p o n 'th e im p o rta n c e ' o f h o u s e w o rk , th e s e w o rk s f o r g e t t i n e
fa c t th a t h o u s e w o r k w a s u n p a id , an d fail to p r o v id e a n e x p la n a tio n f o r t i n e
fu n d a m e n ta l q u e s tio n of: W hy w e re w o m e n th e o n e s th a t h a d to d o it ? W h y w e re w o m e n in c h a rg e o f h o u se w o rk a n d ch ild care if th e y w e re also w o r k i n g a t th e lo o m a n d th e d iv is io n of la b o u r o f th e p e a s a n t f a m ily w a s b a s e d o n c o m p le m e n ta rity ? A n s w e r s to th is q u e s tio n ra n g e fro m S e g a le n 's id e a o f t h e k itc h e n and th e o rc h a rd as 'w o m e n 's k in g d o m ', for w h ic h m e n felt a d e e p ' e n v y ' / to th e m o re realistic a c k n o w le g m e n t of u n p a id h o u s e w o rk as a p ro b le m .
C o n tra ry to th e id e a th a t p e a s a n t p re -in d u s tria l fa m ilie s w ere e g a l i t a r i a n w o r k u n its, a n d th a t it w a s the m a rk e t w h ic h c re ate d d iffe re n c e s b e tw e e n m a l e a n d fem ale w o rk e rs , h is to ric a l e v id en c e s h o w s th a t th e o rig in of th e h i s t o r i c a l s itu a tio n in w h ic h m e n b ecam e p riv ile g e d w a g e w o rk e rs a n d w o m e n s e c o n d - class w o rk e rs, s h o u ld b e looked fo r o u ts id e th e m a rk e t a n d c o n sid e re d in e v e r y w a y to p re d a te it. S tu d y in g colonial N e w E n g lan d , w h e re fam ily farm s f o r m e d th e b a sis of the eco n o m ic a n d social system , Folbre c o n clu d e d in 1980 th a t
While demographic factors such as family size and household structure have been the topic of a great deal of research, social relations within the fam ily, particularly those between men and women, remain largely unexplored. Neglect of t h is topic is partly due to an implicit theoretical assumption which pervades much of t h e literature on the social history of the family: if all family members make important contributions to production and share the products of their labor it is assumed that family relations are relatively egalitarian. Many Marxists share a vision of the precapitalist family as a collective and consensual unit (...) Even where the existence of a sexual division of labor is noted, it is described as relatively unconsequential (...) the fact that women in colonial New England played an important role in production did not ensure them an y objective power within the household. 41
T h e 'v a lo r iz a tio n ' o r 'u n d e r v a lo r iz a tio n ' of c ertain ta sk s is n o t a r b i t r a r y b u t re la te d to th e m a te ria l a n d social s tru c tu r e in w h ic h th e y a re in serted . A s D e lp h y h a s e x p la in e d , ta s k is n o t sy n o n im o u s w ith tra d e o r job:
To reduce a trade or a job to a technical task allows a false question
to be put: namely, what is more interesting about the tasks o f a company director than the
tasks o f a schoolteacher; the tasks o f schoolteacher than the tasks o f a road sweeper? The
sophism of the question lies in the fact that in this problematic the definition of a road
"Patriarchy in Colonial New England", p. 4.
18 41
sweeper is: 'a man who pushes a broom'. Nothing could be further from the truth. A road
sweeper is a man who pushes a broom on the instructions o f someone else and in exchange f o r
a derisory w age. 42
T h e d is tin c tio n b e tw e e n t a s k a n d w o r k is im m e n s e ly h e lp fu l to a n a n a ly sis of the g e n d e r d iv isio n of la b o u r, b e ca u se it h e lp s u s to avoid su c h tr a p s as to in sist on th e " im p o rta n c e " a n d " v a lu e " of certain task s. R ath er, it s u g g e s ts th a t a p re v io u s d e fin itio n of the w o rk e rs ' s ta tu s is n e ce ssa ry to u n d e rs ta n d th e d iv isio n . By p o in tin g o u t th a t it is th e socia l relatio nships u n d e r w h ich all w o rk is d o n e w h ich e x p la in th e valu e, social re c o g n itio n , a n d e co n o m ic re w a r d s o f w o rk , D e lp h y is p ic k in g u p an id e a fu n d a m e n ta l to a c e r ta in tr a d itio n o f m a te ria list an aly sis th a t g o es back to P o lan y i, w h o defin ed m a rk e ts and e co n o m ic re la tio n s in g en eral as p a r ts of social relations:
man's economy, as a rule, is submerged in his social relationships. He does not act so as to safeguard his individual interest in the possession of material goods; he acts so as to safeguard his social standing, his social claims, his social assets (...) the economic system will be run on noneconomic motives (...) The economic system is, in effect, a mere function of social organization. 43
By p o in tin g to th e social relation b e fo re any in h e re n t c h aracteristics of th e
task, to ex p lain th e w o rk o rg an izatio n , th is in te rp re ta tio n m ak es it po ssib le to see th e d iv is io n of la b o u r as th e resu lt o f social h ierarch y , an d n o t its cause. T his is o f sp ec ia l im p o rta n c e in th e case of th e g e n d e r d iv isio n of la b o u r, b ecau se o f th e lo n g id e o lo g ic al tr a d itio n th a t lin k s w o m e n 's and m e n 's d iff e r e n t p o s itio n to bio lo g y . A s Joan Scott h a s recently w ritten :
By assuming that women have inherent characteristics and objective identities consistently and predictably different from men's, and that these generate definable female needs and interests, historians imply that sexual difference is a natural rather than a social phenomenon. The search for an analysis of discrimination gets caught by a circular logic in which 'experience' explains gender difference and gender difference
42 C. Delphy, "Protofeminism and Antifeminism, in Close to Home, p. 198.
43 Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: the political and economic origins of our time. p. 46 and 49. Polanyi, however, failed to apply this analysis to the gender division of labour, that he classified as a natural division: "Division of labor, a phenomenon as old as society, springs from differences inherent in the facts of sex, geography, and individual endowment." The Great
Transformation, p. 44.
